noluyoruz?!

[Masquerade]

Lexius said:

psıkopati said:

Lexius biraz daha zorlarsan olduğun yere sı..caksın he.

ben sıçarsam leş kokar

sessiz ve derinden
elbet bulacaktı yolunu
selpakını hazır et
unutma kapamayı taharet muslugunu

[Ekmek]

azmo
görüyorum ve arttırıyorum

4-Cable" Method
Getting that Great Sound using my own rig!

I wanted to use the Boss GT-6 to "colour" my sound, not redefine
it, so I tried several things which just did not work out. I have a 30th Anniversary
Marshall Half Stack and I did not want to loose this classic sound.I turned off
the preamp ection of the GT-6 and tried just running effects (Chorus, Delay, Wah-Wah)
via the GT-6. I ran from the guitar to the GT-6, then from the GT-6 to the Marshall
IN. This worked OK for CRUNCH and LEAD channels, but the CLEAN channel sounded
bad.

The next option was to run the GT-6 into the effects loop of the Marshall.
This sounded even better Now, at least all 3 channels of my amp sounded good.
The problem was that the Wah-Wah and some OD/DS sounded bad. How What?!

Then, finally, a guy named Philip gave me this tip which opened up the GT-6
in a way which really surpirsed me! He wrote the following...

It sounds as though the ideal set-up for you is the "4-cable"
method. You will then also be able to use your Wah Wah effectively.
The idea being that instead of the GT-6 being in the effects loop of
the Marshall, you divide the Marshall in two - you seperate the
preamp from the power-amp, and use the Marshall preamp in the effects
loop of the GT-6. In the GT-6 there is an option in the OD/DS part
called "custom", and when you choose this, you activate the effects
loop in the GT-6.

Step 1: Adjust the GT-6 so that the OD/DS is on "custom".
Step 2: Cable from guitar to normal input on the GT-6.
Step 3: Cable from GT-6 effects out to Marshall in.
Step 4: Cable from Marshall "Send" (on the back) to GT-6 effects in.
Step 5: Cable from GT-6 normal output to Marshall "Return".

You can now use your Wah-wah, control your distrotion with the
Marshall preamp, and overall volume with the Marshall Master volume.

There have been a few comments about using the Line/headphone
output. When I tried all the various settings, I found that they
made whatever I was using, sound "even more so" - so if I used a
little amp the "small amp" setting made it sound even smaller. If I
used a stack, the stack setting made the sound more "boomy". The
line/headphone choice seems to have a greater frequency response, and
the sound I set-up in the headphones, is pretty much the same as what
comes out of the amplifier on stage - this is a great bonus !

Best of luck !

- Philip.

I am on my way and putting out an awesome live sound on stage. People ask me, "How did you get your tone?" :)

Tune with EXP Pedal
How you can tune when you turn your volume down on your EXP Pedal

Are you using your EXP Pedal as a volume/patch control on any of your patches? Why not allow yourself to tune when you swell down to a ZERO volume? If you would like to add this feature, here's how...

If you are using your EXP pedal as a volume/Patch control, you can now alter your settings to automatically turn your tuner on when you swell to a zero volume While on your patch perform the following: Press PEDAL ASSIGN Press PARAMETER >> until display reads ASSIGN 1 OFF P00: USER Press PEDAL ASSIGN to turn ASSIGN 1 to ON Scroll the Patch/Value Wheel until P00: User reads P01: PATCH LEVEL Press PARAMETER >> to ASSIGN 1 TARGET Scroll Patch/Value Wheel to read TUNER On/Off Press PARAMETER >> to TARGET MIN Scroll to value ON Press PARAMETER >> to TARGET MAX Scroll to value OFF Press PARAMETER >> to SOURCE Scroll to value of EXP Pedal Press PARAMETER >> to MODE Scroll to value NORMAL Press PARAMETER >> Act. Range LO: Scroll to value 0 Press PARAMETER >> Act Range HI: Scroll to value 127 This should now turn on the BYPASS/TUNER when the EXP Pedal is now fully lifted up. This feature will not allow you to directly access your tuner on-stage when you alter you stage volume to zero.

Simultaneous Wah and volume pedal
Simultaneous Wah and volume pedal with no extra EXp pedal? well almost!

Do you ever experience excessive volume when you kick in the wah effect while leading(using distortion)? One obvious solution is to get another volume pedal and hook it up in the sub exp pedal jack located in the back of the unit.

If you would like to use the wah with the EXP. pedal and find yourself unable to control its volume without the use of an external/ foot pedal here is a little trick I came across that will allow you to use the wah and volume almost simultaneously (the poor man's solution.) This will come in handy when you kick distortion and Wah without being excessively louder.

Assign the wah pedal to Manual MODE fx-2 switch instead of pressing the tip of the EXP. pedal. That way you can start with the volume you want by adjusting the exp. pedal. Once you are happy with the volume, while in Manual Mode ( I show you below how to set your patch to Manual Mode if you don't already know how to do it) you can press the fx2 (Bank Up switch) and presto, you have wah. You notice the same wah range just at the desired volume. If you want to lower/increase volume disengage the wah by pressing again on the Fx2 pedal and you have control of the volume again by using the expression pedal. There are 2 processes to get this accomplished.

First you need to preset your particular patch to Manual Mode. to be turned on and off with the CTRL. switch here is how:
1. press Pedal assign,
2. the hit PARAMETER>>>>>>> button (7 times), it will read "CTL PEDAL - P00:USER (if "OFF" is displayed, hit pedal assign again to turn it "ON"
3. Next scroll the Patch/value wheel until you get P10:MANUAL
4 HIT THE EXIT BUTTON
5. lastly save your changes by hitting the WRITE button twice.

Now when you call the patch, you can access MANUAL MODE by pressing the Ctrl. switch.

(most working musicians I talked to set their gt-6s in manual mode)

Now for the Wah/ volume trick.
1. Get on MANUAL MODE. ( either by hitting the ctrl. pedal if you followed the above instructions or by pressing the MANUAL button)
2. Press the PARAMETER >>> >>> button (6 times)
3. dial the Patch/value wheel until you find wah
4. press EXIT and once again save your changes.

Now, when you start your song, hit CTRL. to get in MANUAL MODE .
Adjust your desired volume and when you are ready to do some wild wah lead, hit the FX-2
switch and you'll notice a stable volume.

Happy Playing!

Speaker Sims and the GT8

GT8 Cabinet Sims

I spent much time with this unit and have come to the conclusion that a real speaker cabinet is SO integral to good feel and playing response...and my ultimate enjoyment playing guitar that i've relegated the use of speaker simulations for the benefit of recording only.

I used to believe only that tubes and speakers together could provide the aforementioned feel and response, but for me, i've found bliss using a solid-state power amp (Carvin HT150 in bridged mono 8 ohm mode) into a Mesa Boogie TQB 1x12" (90W Celestion). The applicable Output Select I choose is COMBO Return. The result is very satifying.

My guitar is an Ibanez JS1200 whose electronic's can produce a wide array of nice tones. I feed this into the GT8 and the 8's Left/mono output into the Carvin amp whose 150W output is adept at motivating the 90W Celestion. This has proven to an excellent application that satisfies my need for feel and response.

I settled on this setup after much investigation and analysis (trial and
error) because the 's speaker sim's, as well as others, always seemed to create another degree of separation between me and what I was hearing and felt when used in conjunction with a full-range speaker system.

Now for recording...here is where I need several things - quiet! and many different cab sounds and microphones. The GT-8 delivers. For my needs, I don't really care how good playing feels or responds when recording. I rely less on the player / tone interaction. My focus is getting a track down with minimum fuss and with decent quality and in acoustic isolation so that it can be dropped into a mix easily and is workable.

To do this, I engage the speaker sim's on the 8 and then find a tone. EQ at this point is something I save for mixdown when it can be easily changed. I take the S/PDIF digital output from the 8 and feed it into my DAC / software (M-AUDIO Delta 1010LT / Live 4). I do this to meet my needs above but also because the signal only needs ONE A/D conversion. I feel the lesser number of conversions the better because with each add'l conversion, the sample becomes less like the original and latency increases. To reduce latency even further I don't use the 8' external loop to insert add'l signal processing.
Doing so would create 2 more conversion points) and also increase the latency of the signal by another millisecond or two. Layency will increase even more if the FX device inserted is a digital device. As it is already about two ms of latency is created by the GT-8 itself. Hey, math takes time. But, luckily, my software can be adjusted for overall latency by sending it's tracks to my ear that much sooner (2 ms).

Hope this stirs your imagination or helps your hairs stand on end. Enjoy!

TomRicig

[Masquerade]

marshall iyidir.

[Lexius]

görüyorum ve crit vuruyorum

Ekşili Nohutlu Bamya
Malzemeler
Tarif Defterime ekle
Tarifle İlgili Yorum Yap
Yazıcıya Gönder
Mutfak
Zorluk 2
Süre 65 dk.
Kaç Kişilik 7
Yöntem

1 Su bardağı nohut
1 Kilo bamya
Yarım kilo kuşbaşı koyun eti
1 Adet limon
1 Adet sarımsak
1 Çorba kaşığı salça
2.5 Kahve fincanı margarin
1 Su bardağı su
2 Adet soğan
1 Tatlı kaşığı karabiber
4 Tatlı kaşığı tuz
Nohudun haşlanma süresi 40 dakika





Hazırlanışı
Akşamdan 1 Su bardağı nohudu, 2 tatlı kaşığı tuz ve yeterince su ile ıslatın.
Düdüklü tencerede 40 dakika haşlayıp suyunu süzün.
Bamyaların sap kısmını huni veya yuvarlak kesip temizleyin.
Eti 1 su bardağı suda 20 dakika haşlayın.
Haşlanmış etleri delikli kepçe ile çıkarıp et suyunu ayırın.
Bir tencerede margarini eritip doğranmış soğan ve dövülmüş sarımsağı kavurun.
Soğanlar pembeleşince haşlanmış et ve salçayı ilave edip 5-10 dakika daha kavurun.
Bamyaları yıkayıp tuz, karabiber ve nohutla birlikte tencereye ekleyin.
Ayırdığınız et suyunu da ilave edip 20 dakika orta ateşte pişirin.
Piştikten sonra servis yapın.
Ekşili Nohutlu Bamya yemek tarifleri

[fede]

düğüAli gülümsemesini unutmustu. Nisanlanmasindan bir hafta sonra filan basiladi bu düsünceli hali.Ilk günler öyle sevincliydi ki... Kus olup ucasi geliyordu. Nedense cabuk koptu kanatlari... Nesesi kus olup ucmustu. Ali ise dar sokaklarin, yikik dökük ahsap evlerin arasindaydi. Kötü kötü, kara kara düsünüyordu. Gülümsemenin silindigi yüzü, sevimlilgini yitirmis, cocukken iyi beslenmemis, ufacik bir bedenin kara, sari, siska ve asik suratina dönmüstü. Yumusak bakan kara gözleri yabanillasmisti. Ali'nin asabi iyice bozuktu. Mahalle adim adim izliyordu Ali'nin gülümsemeyi yitirisini, adim adim ve begeniyle, pek de gizlenmeyen bir doyumla. -Yahu, Sessiz Ali hepten sessizlesti. Arpacik kumrusu gibi düsünüyor. -Canim, o düsünmesin de ben mi düsüneyim. -Bu sessizlikle'el kizini nasil güdecek? -Pek de sessiz canim. -Aboo, bu gidisle kilibiklarin piri olacak... -Bu kadar da sessiz olunmaz ki... Vur ensesine, al lokmasini agzindan.Erkek dedigin biraz disli olmali. Kiz gibi oglan... Mahalle kahvesinde cift sekerli demli cayla birlikte Ali'nin yaklasan evililiginin yorumlari da iciliyor ; emmiler, dayilar bu yeni ickiye kanamiyorlardi. Bazen sesler alcaliyor, sakalara acik saciklik kokusu bulasiyordu. -Sahi yahu, bizim Ali nasil kiviracak bu isi?.. Becerebilse bari. Ali aldirmiyordu bastan. Ise girdiginde de böyleydi. Mahalleli yolunu kesip akil ver- mis, is yerinde kendini nasil saydiracagini anlatmisti ona. Akil hocalarinin cogu hayatla- rinda hic memuriyet yapmamis kisilerdi ya, neyse... -Ali sen babasiz büyüdün oglum, bak amca sözü dinle, diye baslardi hepsi. Ali her- kese tesekkür etmis, bildigini okumustu. Evet, büroda o odaci, odacilar sekreter olmustu sonucta ama zarari yoktu. Calistigi yerdeki odacilar Ali'nin kac yillik komsusu, memleketlisi, emmisi, dayisiydi. Onlara amirlik taslamak yakisik alir miydi? Ali kalp kirmayi sevmezdi. Zamanla icinde bir burukluk duymaya basladi. Onca saygisina karsilik kendisini sürekli hicleyen odaci emmilerine kiriliyordu icin icin. Simdilerde Ali kuskudaydi. Yoksa Gülsüm de mi onu hicleyecekti? Mahalleli onu uyariyordu, tipki ise girdigi zamanki gibi. Uyarilarina kulak verse miydi? Gülsüm'ün duru gözlerini görünce kuskulari dagiliyordu. Öyle tatli bakiyordu ki nisanlisinin gözleri, sevgi, baglilik dolu... Ali nicedir evlenmek istiyordu, basedemiyordu yalnizlikla. Bir türlü anasina acmamisti isi. Utaniyor muydu ne... Cekinirdi Ali annesinden, cok severdi onu. Niye cekinirdi, bilinmez. Pek yumusak huylu bir kadindi anasi. Babasiz büyütmüstü Ali'yle iki ablasini. Cocuklari ugruna yaptiklariyla övünen, ya da bunlardan yakinan insanlardan degildi. Analik özverisinde doyuma ulasan kadinlardandi. Agabeyinin yanina siginip yetistirmisti cocuklarini ama Ali'nin dayisi pek uzak ve seyrek bir konuk gibi ugramisti hayatlarina, ayni avluya bakan evinden. Dayi evinin düzeni, bagirti, dayak, tokat Alilerin kapisindan iceri girmemisti. Ablalari evleneli beri Sessiz Ali sessiz anacigiyla yalnizdi. Anasi acti konuyu ,köydeki tarlanin satimindan sonra. -Oglum, elimiz bolardi. Sana helal süt emmis bir taze arayim mi? dedi. Ali cok sevinmisti. Birkac gün sonra anasi iyi haberle geldi. -Muharrem Efendi'yle anlasabilecegiz galiba. Kizi Gülsüm tam bize göre, sessiz iyi bir kiz, dedi. Gülsüm'ü görür görmez Ali'nin kani kaynadi. Sevgiye susuz kalbinde duygular ince ince kök saldi, gün güne boy atti, filiz verdi.Gülsüm de öyle... Baglandi Ali'ye. Ali öyle sessiz, öyle gülecti ki... Gülsüm Ali'nin onu hic hirpalamayacagini biliverdi. Babasinin sertliginden bezmisti. 0 yüzden sevdi Ali'yi. Nisanin ertesi günü Ali, Gülsüm'ü Genclik Parki'na götürdü, cay icirdi. Havuzu seyrettiler birlikte. Trene binerken elini tutuverdi kizin. Gülsüm cekmedi elini. Ali'nin kalbi küt küt atti. "Sessiz" lakabindan rahatsiz olmaya o günlerde basladi. Sag olsun, diyordu Gülsüm. Ali'nin ici isiniyordu. Ama sonra gene kuskular sariyordu Ali'yi. Ya Gülsüm numara yapiyorsa. Bunca sacli sakalli adam yalan mi söyleyecek... Biraz sert olmali demiyor mu hepsi de.. Gülsüm'ün gözleri dikiliyordu karsisina uykusuz karanliklarda, o gözlerin onca sevdigi bakisi, sevgi dolu... Ali kadinlarin gözlerinde böyle anlamlar okumaya alisik degildi. Ablalari kocalarina böyle bakmazdi. Nisanliyken de böyle bakmazlardi. Saygiyla korkunun birbirine karistigi donuk bakislardi onlarinki... Oysa Gülsüm'ün gözlerinde nese ucusuyordu bir uctan bir uca... Ali bakislarin duygu örgüsünü bir bir tellerine cözemiyordu ama git gide "Gülsüm'ün sevdigi gözlerinden rahatsiz olmaya baslamisti. Yoksa Gülsüm onu saymiyor muydu?.. Ali gerildikce geriliyordu. Kurulu bir yaya dönmüstü. Okunu ne zaman, nereye firlatacagi hic belli degildi. Dügüne birkac gün kala Gülsüm Ali'nin annesine yardima geldi. Camasir yikiyorlar- di, kaynana gelin. Gülsüm köpükler arasindan gülümseyip: -Ali, dedi, biliyor musun, kücük camasir makineleri var. Hani ilerde, diyorum, paramiz olursa alalim.,. ha... Ne dersin?.. Ali'nin annesi, -Ya pek iyi olur, böyle legende zor oluyor... demeye kalmadi, Ali iki kadinin üstüne atiliverdi, cevik bir kedi gibi. Gülsüm'ü saclarindan sürüyerek camasir legeninin basindan cekip aldi. -Kiz, sana ne oluyor? Sana mi kaldi benim cebimdekinin nasil harcanacagini söylemek, diye kükrüyordu. Bir yandan da yerde, saskinlik, korku ve aciyla, beden ve ruh acisiyla debelenen kiza tekme, tokat girisiyordu. Ali vurdu, vurdu taaa ki Gülsüm'ün bal rengi civil civil isiyan gözleri donuklasana dek.. 0 bildik bakis gelip de gözlerin bal rengi yumusakligina tas gibi cöküp, temelli yerlesene dek... Mahalledeki kadinlarin kocalarina bakarken gözlerini duraganlastiran o tanidik bakis. Korku, boyun egis, caresizlik, nefret, nefret ve gene nefretten olusan o sinmis, o intikamci bakis... Ali, Gülsüm'ün gözlerini gördü ve rahatladi. Ali ve nisanlisi mahallede ayrik otu gibi farkli olup, diken gibi mahalleye batmaktan kurtulmuslardi. Ali herkes gibi birisi olmanin alabildigine rahatlatici havasini soludu. Karsi evden kücük Dursun kosarak cikti ve haberi tüm sokaga yaydi. -Ana, kiz ana, kos... Sessiz Ali agbim seslenmis! Gülsüm ablaml bir dövdü ki sorma! "Gülsüm´e bu tokati kim atti?Ali mi yoksa onun cevresimi? Siz de böyle tokat yediniz mi?Yediyseniz , bu tokatin asil kimin attigini kendinize sordunuz mu ?"
"Tokat attımı attırıldımı ?KISACASI KADIN ERKEKTEN DEGIL , TOPLUMUN TUTUMUNDAN DAYAK YIYOR !!!

[Ekmek]

brit ton sevmiyorum ben =/
california ftw

[karpuzseven]

http://img465.imageshack.us/img465/9949/dead90bi.png

[PhysX]

sesim soluğum çıkmaz
esmeyen rüzgar gibiyim
susuzlukta bulunmaz
uygar bir yamyam gibiyim

[Masquerade]

fede said:

düğüAli gülümsemesini unutmustu. Nisanlanmasindan bir hafta sonra filan basiladi bu düsünceli hali.Ilk günler öyle sevincliydi ki... Kus olup ucasi geliyordu. Nedense cabuk koptu kanatlari... Nesesi kus olup ucmustu. Ali ise dar sokaklarin, yikik dökük ahsap evlerin arasindaydi. Kötü kötü, kara kara düsünüyordu. Gülümsemenin silindigi yüzü, sevimlilgini yitirmis, cocukken iyi beslenmemis, ufacik bir bedenin kara, sari, siska ve asik suratina dönmüstü. Yumusak bakan kara gözleri yabanillasmisti. Ali'nin asabi iyice bozuktu. Mahalle adim adim izliyordu Ali'nin gülümsemeyi yitirisini, adim adim ve begeniyle, pek de gizlenmeyen bir doyumla. -Yahu, Sessiz Ali hepten sessizlesti. Arpacik kumrusu gibi düsünüyor. -Canim, o düsünmesin de ben mi düsüneyim. -Bu sessizlikle'el kizini nasil güdecek? -Pek de sessiz canim. -Aboo, bu gidisle kilibiklarin piri olacak... -Bu kadar da sessiz olunmaz ki... Vur ensesine, al lokmasini agzindan.Erkek dedigin biraz disli olmali. Kiz gibi oglan... Mahalle kahvesinde cift sekerli demli cayla birlikte Ali'nin yaklasan evililiginin yorumlari da iciliyor ; emmiler, dayilar bu yeni ickiye kanamiyorlardi. Bazen sesler alcaliyor, sakalara acik saciklik kokusu bulasiyordu. -Sahi yahu, bizim Ali nasil kiviracak bu isi?.. Becerebilse bari. Ali aldirmiyordu bastan. Ise girdiginde de böyleydi. Mahalleli yolunu kesip akil ver- mis, is yerinde kendini nasil saydiracagini anlatmisti ona. Akil hocalarinin cogu hayatla- rinda hic memuriyet yapmamis kisilerdi ya, neyse... -Ali sen babasiz büyüdün oglum, bak amca sözü dinle, diye baslardi hepsi. Ali her- kese tesekkür etmis, bildigini okumustu. Evet, büroda o odaci, odacilar sekreter olmustu sonucta ama zarari yoktu. Calistigi yerdeki odacilar Ali'nin kac yillik komsusu, memleketlisi, emmisi, dayisiydi. Onlara amirlik taslamak yakisik alir miydi? Ali kalp kirmayi sevmezdi. Zamanla icinde bir burukluk duymaya basladi. Onca saygisina karsilik kendisini sürekli hicleyen odaci emmilerine kiriliyordu icin icin. Simdilerde Ali kuskudaydi. Yoksa Gülsüm de mi onu hicleyecekti? Mahalleli onu uyariyordu, tipki ise girdigi zamanki gibi. Uyarilarina kulak verse miydi? Gülsüm'ün duru gözlerini görünce kuskulari dagiliyordu. Öyle tatli bakiyordu ki nisanlisinin gözleri, sevgi, baglilik dolu... Ali nicedir evlenmek istiyordu, basedemiyordu yalnizlikla. Bir türlü anasina acmamisti isi. Utaniyor muydu ne... Cekinirdi Ali annesinden, cok severdi onu. Niye cekinirdi, bilinmez. Pek yumusak huylu bir kadindi anasi. Babasiz büyütmüstü Ali'yle iki ablasini. Cocuklari ugruna yaptiklariyla övünen, ya da bunlardan yakinan insanlardan degildi. Analik özverisinde doyuma ulasan kadinlardandi. Agabeyinin yanina siginip yetistirmisti cocuklarini ama Ali'nin dayisi pek uzak ve seyrek bir konuk gibi ugramisti hayatlarina, ayni avluya bakan evinden. Dayi evinin düzeni, bagirti, dayak, tokat Alilerin kapisindan iceri girmemisti. Ablalari evleneli beri Sessiz Ali sessiz anacigiyla yalnizdi. Anasi acti konuyu ,köydeki tarlanin satimindan sonra. -Oglum, elimiz bolardi. Sana helal süt emmis bir taze arayim mi? dedi. Ali cok sevinmisti. Birkac gün sonra anasi iyi haberle geldi. -Muharrem Efendi'yle anlasabilecegiz galiba. Kizi Gülsüm tam bize göre, sessiz iyi bir kiz, dedi. Gülsüm'ü görür görmez Ali'nin kani kaynadi. Sevgiye susuz kalbinde duygular ince ince kök saldi, gün güne boy atti, filiz verdi.Gülsüm de öyle... Baglandi Ali'ye. Ali öyle sessiz, öyle gülecti ki... Gülsüm Ali'nin onu hic hirpalamayacagini biliverdi. Babasinin sertliginden bezmisti. 0 yüzden sevdi Ali'yi. Nisanin ertesi günü Ali, Gülsüm'ü Genclik Parki'na götürdü, cay icirdi. Havuzu seyrettiler birlikte. Trene binerken elini tutuverdi kizin. Gülsüm cekmedi elini. Ali'nin kalbi küt küt atti. "Sessiz" lakabindan rahatsiz olmaya o günlerde basladi. Sag olsun, diyordu Gülsüm. Ali'nin ici isiniyordu. Ama sonra gene kuskular sariyordu Ali'yi. Ya Gülsüm numara yapiyorsa. Bunca sacli sakalli adam yalan mi söyleyecek... Biraz sert olmali demiyor mu hepsi de.. Gülsüm'ün gözleri dikiliyordu karsisina uykusuz karanliklarda, o gözlerin onca sevdigi bakisi, sevgi dolu... Ali kadinlarin gözlerinde böyle anlamlar okumaya alisik degildi. Ablalari kocalarina böyle bakmazdi. Nisanliyken de böyle bakmazlardi. Saygiyla korkunun birbirine karistigi donuk bakislardi onlarinki... Oysa Gülsüm'ün gözlerinde nese ucusuyordu bir uctan bir uca... Ali bakislarin duygu örgüsünü bir bir tellerine cözemiyordu ama git gide "Gülsüm'ün sevdigi gözlerinden rahatsiz olmaya baslamisti. Yoksa Gülsüm onu saymiyor muydu?.. Ali gerildikce geriliyordu. Kurulu bir yaya dönmüstü. Okunu ne zaman, nereye firlatacagi hic belli degildi. Dügüne birkac gün kala Gülsüm Ali'nin annesine yardima geldi. Camasir yikiyorlar- di, kaynana gelin. Gülsüm köpükler arasindan gülümseyip: -Ali, dedi, biliyor musun, kücük camasir makineleri var. Hani ilerde, diyorum, paramiz olursa alalim.,. ha... Ne dersin?.. Ali'nin annesi, -Ya pek iyi olur, böyle legende zor oluyor... demeye kalmadi, Ali iki kadinin üstüne atiliverdi, cevik bir kedi gibi. Gülsüm'ü saclarindan sürüyerek camasir legeninin basindan cekip aldi. -Kiz, sana ne oluyor? Sana mi kaldi benim cebimdekinin nasil harcanacagini söylemek, diye kükrüyordu. Bir yandan da yerde, saskinlik, korku ve aciyla, beden ve ruh acisiyla debelenen kiza tekme, tokat girisiyordu. Ali vurdu, vurdu taaa ki Gülsüm'ün bal rengi civil civil isiyan gözleri donuklasana dek.. 0 bildik bakis gelip de gözlerin bal rengi yumusakligina tas gibi cöküp, temelli yerlesene dek... Mahalledeki kadinlarin kocalarina bakarken gözlerini duraganlastiran o tanidik bakis. Korku, boyun egis, caresizlik, nefret, nefret ve gene nefretten olusan o sinmis, o intikamci bakis... Ali, Gülsüm'ün gözlerini gördü ve rahatladi. Ali ve nisanlisi mahallede ayrik otu gibi farkli olup, diken gibi mahalleye batmaktan kurtulmuslardi. Ali herkes gibi birisi olmanin alabildigine rahatlatici havasini soludu. Karsi evden kücük Dursun kosarak cikti ve haberi tüm sokaga yaydi. -Ana, kiz ana, kos... Sessiz Ali agbim seslenmis! Gülsüm ablaml bir dövdü ki sorma! "Gülsüm´e bu tokati kim atti?Ali mi yoksa onun cevresimi? Siz de böyle tokat yediniz mi?Yediyseniz , bu tokatin asil kimin attigini kendinize sordunuz mu ?"
"Tokat attımı attırıldımı ?KISACASI KADIN ERKEKTEN DEGIL , TOPLUMUN TUTUMUNDAN DAYAK YIYOR !!!

MY EYEZ

[Azmodai]

Now here's an introduction that should never be read on radio: "The Euclidean path integral over all topologically trivial metrics can be done by time slicing and so is unitary when analytically continued to the Lorentzian".

If your eyes aren't already crossed, here's some more. "On the other hand, the path integral over all topologically non-trivial metrics is asymptotically independent of the initial state".

Dry stuff indeed, but it's the beginning of a paper by the world's most famous physicist, Stephen Hawking, in which he admits he was wrong about the digestive habits of black holes.

The only quantum physicist ever to appear in an episode of the Simpsons, Hawking presented a paper in Dublin overnight in which he argued that black holes, the matter and energy sinks formed when huge stars collapse, can, after all, eventually tell us something about what originally went into them.

At least I think that's what he said.

One Australian physicist who's not only capable of understanding the introduction to this story, but of making sense of it, is Professor Paul Davies of Macquarie University's Australian Centre for Astrobiology.

I began by asking him if Stephen Hawking's change of mind was bad news for anyone hoping to plunge into a black hole and come out in a parallel universe?

PAUL DAVIES: Well, you're quite right, and this is a controversy that goes back 30 years. I was present at the lecture that Stephen gave when this whole subject started. It was at Rutherford lab in early 1975, and of course he came up with this notion that black holes aren't completely black, they glow with heat radiation, and eventually they evaporate away, and so of course what happens is the star collapses, as you mentioned, to form a black hole, and then the black hole itself disappears and the energy comes out in the form of heat and so people thought well, you know, if the heat's gonna get back out, the energy and the mass is coming out, maybe some shadow of the original stuff that collapsed could get out.

MARK COLVIN: But he said no.

PAUL DAVIES: He said no. And I can well remember in a hotel room in 1978 in Boston, there was Stephen, myself and an American physicist trying to argue the opposite point of view, and Stephen was very persuasive, and he persuaded me. I thought, he's got it right, the information is completely lost and won't ever be recovered. It must go into a singularity or another universe or something.

MARK COLVIN: Just as a matter of interest, when he, when you have this kind of argument, is it basically an argument conducted in equations?

PAUL DAVIES: That's correct (laugh) and you heroically read out at the beginning the sort of mathematics that is involved, and I have to say, because you accurately reported from the abstract from his lecture, that some of the mathematical procedures he is describing leave a little bit to be desired.

Some of those procedures are not very well defined, and I think many people in the physics community will want to see the small print of his paper before passing judgment that this really is correct. It really is a knock-down argument that his detractors were right all along. I think we have to sit on the fence a bit.

MARK COLVIN: So is he now saying that lots of stuff comes out of a black hole or are we talking, I'm just thinking a couple of years ago for instance, we were told that the speed of light wasn't constant, but it was not constant by such an extraordinarily small amount that most of us wouldn't notice. Is it like that?

PAUL DAVIES: It is very much like that because if you ask your obvious astronomer in the street, well what are you going to do now? The answer is business as usual, because a typical solar mass black hole, the type that would form from a star collapsing, is going to take trillions upon trillions of years to finally evaporate away. And so, the information that is in there about the star that collapsed, is going to leak out in dribs and drabs over this immense period of time.

So it really doesn't make any practical difference.

MARK COLVIN: How immense a period of time? I saw the word eons in one report, which is nicely vague.

PAUL DAVIES: Well, if you want me to put the actual figure to it, it's 10 million trillion trillion trillion trillion trillion years.

MARK COLVIN: That may be all the trillions we've got time for.

(laughter)

PAUL DAVIES: So, it really isn't going to worry too many people.

MARK COLVIN: And I gather that the, where it will go to is infinite universal horizons. What's that all about?

PAUL DAVIES: Well, a black hole is defined by its surface, which is an event horizon. That is, it separates the events that can be witnessed from the outside world, from those that count, and this is the secret of the black hole, it traps light, and as nothing can travel faster than light if the light's trapped, anything that happens inside is not going to be seen from the outside.

But what we're talking about here is a bit of bending of the rules there because quantum physics enters into the picture. This whole discussion is based on applying quantum physics to black holes, and quantum physics is – same as for Heisenberg's uncertainty principle, that's the thing that fuzzies out everything in physics so everything, the position of things, the timing of things, all gets sort of fuzzed a little bit. And the horizon, if you try to pin down where it is, well it gets sort of fuzzed a bit by this Heisenberg principle, and that it seems is the key to the information leaking out eventually.

MARK COLVIN: Now I see you've got an article in one of the newspapers today that suggests that we all may be living in something like a matrix, as in the film The Matrix and the whole thing may be something of a fiction anyway.

Does this do anything to that theory?

PAUL DAVIES: (laughs) Surprisingly enough, it's all related, because we're dealing here exactly with the computational or informational capacity of the universe. And what we like to understand is we think the universe is a sort of gigantic computer. A black hole turns out to be like the perfect information processing system that we can imagine. Of course, it's also an information swallowing system, and so these things are related. We like to understand the relationship between information and quantum physics and gravitation, and this is all in the same area of inquiry. It's a very exciting field, in spite of the fact that it makes not a lot of difference to real astronomy.

MARK COLVIN: Professor Paul Davies of Macquarie University, the Australian Centre for Astrobiology there.

[fede]

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D8kbvqRVJR4

[Voys]

artırıyorum ekmek,




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ERGENEKON DESTANI

Ergenekon Destanı, "Büyük Türk Destanından bir parçadır. Türk kavimlerinden Göktürkler'i mevzu alır. Göktürkler'in menşeini açıklamak ister. Ergenekon Destanı'nın özeti şöyledir:

Türk illerinde Göktürkler'e itaat etmeyen bir yer yoktu. Bunu kıskanan yabancı kavimler birleşerek Göktürkler'in üzerine yürüdüler. Maksatları öç almaktı. Göktürkler, çadırlarını, sürülerini bir yere topladılar. Çevresine hendek kazıp beklediler. Düşman gelince, vuruşma da başladı. On gün vuruştular. Göktürkler üstün geldi.

Bu yenilgiden sonra yabancı kavimlerin hanları ve beyleri av yerinde toplanıp konuştular.

"Göktürkler'e hile yapmazsak akıbet işimiz yaman olur," dediler.

Tan ağarınca, baskına uğramış gibi, ağırlıklarını bırakıp kaçtılar.

Göktürkler, "Bunların vuruşma güçleri bitti, kaçıyorlar," deyip arkalarından yetiştiler.

Düşman, Göktürkler'i görünce, birden döndü. Vuruşma sonunda düşman, Göktürkler'i gafil avlayıp yendi. Göktürkler'i öldüre öldüre çadırlarına geldi. Çadırlarını ve mallarını öylesine yağmaladı ki, bir ev kurtulmadı. Büyüklerin hepsini kılıçtan geçirdi. Küçükleri kul edindi. Her düşman birini alıp gitti.

Göktürkler'in başında İl Han vardı. Çocukları çoktu. Fakat bu uğursuz vuruşmada bir tanesi hariç, hepsi öldü. Kayı adlı bu oğlunu o yıl evlendirmişti. İl Han'ın Dokuz-Oğuz adlı bir de yeğeni vardı. Kayı ile Dokuz-Oğuz düşmana tutsak olmuşlardı. Fakat on gün sonra bir gece ikisi de kadınları ile beraber atlara atlayıp kaçtılar. Göktürk yurduna geldiler. Burada düşmandan kaçıp gelen çok deve, at, öküz ve koyun buldular. "Dört taraftaki illerin hepsi bize düşman. Gereği odur ki, dağların içinde insan yolu düşmez bir yer izleyip oturalım," dediler. Dağa doğru sürülerini alıp göç ettiler.

Geldikleri yoldan başka yolu olmayan bir yere vardılar. Bu tek yol da öylesine bir yoldu ki, bir deve veya bir at güçlükle yürürdü. Ayağını yanlış bassa yuvarlanıp parça parça olurdu. Göktürkler'in vardıkları yerde akarsular, kaynaklar, türlü bitkiler, meyveler, ağaçlar ve avlar vardı. Böyle bir yeri görünce, ulu Tanrı'ya şükrettiler. Hayvanlarının kışın etini yediler; yazın sütünü içtiler. Derisini giydiler. Bu ülkeye "Ergenekon" adını koydular.

İki Göktürk prensinin Ergenekon'da çocukları çoğaldı. Kayı Han'ın çok çocuğu oldu. Dokuz-Oğuz Han'ın daha az oldu. Çok yıllar bu iki Hanın çocukları Ergenekon'da kaldılar. Pek çoğaldılar.

Dört yüzyıl sonra kendileri ve sürüleri o kadar çoğaldı ki, Ergenekon'a sığışamaz oldular. Buna bir çare bulmak için kurultay topladılar. Dediler ki, "Atalarımızdan işittik; Ergenekon dışında geniş ülkeler, güzel yurtlar varmış. Bizim yurdumuz da eskiden o yerlerde imiş. Dağların arasından yol izleyip bulalım. Göçüp Ergenekon'dan çıkalım. Ergenekon dışında her kim bize dost olursa, onunla görüşelim. Düşmanla vuruşalım".

Kurultay bu kararı alınca, Göktürkler, Ergenekon'dan çıkmak için yol aradılar, bulamadılar.

O zaman bir demirci dedi ki, "Bu dağda bir demir madeni var. Yalın kat madene benzer. Şunun demirini eritsek, belki dağ bize geçit verirdi". Göktürkler, varıp demircinin gösterdiği dağ parçasını gördüler. Demircinin tedbirini de beğendiler. Dağın geniş yerine bir kat odun, bir kat kömür dizdiler. Dağın üstünü altını, yanını, yönünü böylece odun ve kömürle doldurduktan sonra, yetmiş deriden büyük körükler yapıp yetmiş yere koydular. Odun-kömürü ateşleyip körüklemeye başladılar,

Tanrı'nın gücü ve inayeti ile ateş, kızdıktan sonra demir dağ eridi, akıverdi. Bir yüklü deve çıkacak kadar yol oldu. O kutsal yılın, kutsal ayının, kutsal gününün, kutsal saatini bekleyip bu yoldan Ergenekon'dan çıkmaya başladılar. Bu kutsal gün, ondan sonra Göktürkler'de bayram oldu. Her yıl o gün gelince büyük tören yapılır; bir parça demir alınıp ateşte kızdırılır. Bu demiri Önce Göktürk Ham kıskaçla tutup örse koyar, çekiçle döver.

Ondan sonra Türk beyleri de böyle yapıp bu günü kutlarlar.

Ergenekon'dan çıkınca, Göktürkler'in ulu hakanı Kayı Han soyundan Börteçine, bütün illere elçiler gönderdi; Göktürkler'in Ergenekon'dan çıktıklarını bildirdi. Tâ ki, eskisi gibi bütün iller Göktürkler'in buyruğu altına girer.

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[Ekmek]

>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<>:D<

[Masquerade]

[fede]

oha vidyoyu koyarken konu aklıma gelmemişti. cuk oturdu galiba

[Lexius]

görüyorum ve aoe atıyorum..


TAHILLAR

1 dilim beyaz ekmek 28 gr 90
1 dilim kepekli ekmek 28 gr 60
1 dilim kızarmış ekmek 15 gr 35
1 adet kruasan 200 gr 200
bisküvi 100 gr 470
mercimek (kuru) 100 gr 314
arpa (kuru) 100 gr 367
bulgur (kuru) 100 gr 371
kuskus (kuru) 100 gr 367
mısır (kuru) 100 gr 342
buğday (kuru) 100 gr 364
susam 100 gr 589
makarna (kuru) 100 gr 339
makarna (haşlanmış) 100 gr 85
pirinç (kuru) 100 gr 357
pirinç (haşlanmış) 100 gr 125

SÜT VE YUMURTA ÜRÜNLERİ

yoğurt (yağlı) 100 gr 95
süt (yağlı) 100 gr 68
yoğurt (yağlı,meyveli) 100 gr 125
beyaz peynir (yağlı) 100 gr 275
kaşar peyniri (yağlı) 100 gr 413
parmesan peyniri (yağlı) 100 gr 440
yumurta 1 adet 80
yumurta akı 1 adet 15
yumurta sarısı 1 adet 65

YAĞLAR

tereyağı 28 gr 206
margarin 28 gr 204
sıvı yağ 28 gr 130

ETLER

biftek (ızgara) 100 gr 278
tavuk (ızgara) 100 gr 132
tavuk göğsü (haşlanmış) 100 gr 150
kuzu (yağlı, ızgara) 100 gr 282
kuzu ciğeri (yağda) 100 gr 232
salam 100 gr 446
sosis 100 gr 295

DENİZ ÜRÜNLERİ

midye 1 adet 9
istiridye 1 adet 6
karides 1 adet 144
somon füme 100 gr 171
ton balığı 100 gr 121

SEBZELER

domates 1 adet 14
enginar 1 adet 10
patlıcan 1 adet 28
taze fasulye 100 gr 90
brokoli 100 gr 35
brüksel lahanası 100 gr 35
kabak 100 gr 25
havuç 100 gr 35
karnabahar 100 gr 32
kereviz 100 gr 18
salatalık 1 adet 11
marul 100 gr 15
mantar 100 gr 14
soğan 100 gr 35
bezelye 100 gr 89
taze yeşil biber 120 gr 15
patates (haşlama) 100 gr 100
ıspanak 100 gr 26
lahana 100 gr 20
KURUYEMİŞLER

badem 100 gr 600
hindistancevizi 100 gr 603
fındık 100 gr 650
fıstık 100 gr 560
çam fıstığı 100 gr 600
ceviz 100 gr 549
patlamış mısır 100 gr 478
kabak çekirdeği 100 gr 571
ay çekirdeği 100 gr 578
MEYVELER

elma 1 adet 60
kayısı 1 adet 8
muz 1 adet 100
kiraz 100 gr 40
hurma 1 adet 15
incir 100 gr 41
incir (kuru) 100 gr 59
greyfurt 1 adet 60
portakal 1 adet 50
kivi 1 adet 34
mandalina 1 adet 50
karpuz 100 gr 19
kavun 100 gr 18
şeftali 1 adet 60
armut 1 adet 70
erik 1 adet 8
üzüm 100 gr 57
çilek 100 gr 26

[Voys]

Azmodai said:

ADAM ORHAN PAMUK

[karpuzseven]

Fascism is a totalitarian nationalist political ideology and mass movement that is concerned with notions of cultural decline or decadence, and which seeks to achieve a millenarian national rebirth by exalting the nation or race, as well as promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.[1][2][3][4][5]

Various scholars attribute different characteristics to fascism, but the following elements are usually seen as its integral parts: nationalism, militarism, totalitarianism, dictatorship, populism, collectivism, statism, social interventionism, and economic planning. In addition, many scholars see fascism as opposing liberalism, communism, international socialism, democratic socialism,[6] and reactionary conservatism (taking into account that fascists made alliances with conservatives more often than other groups).[7][2][1][8][9][10][11] Though nationalist in nature, fascist movements have sought alliances with each other in different countries on common beliefs, such as opposition to communism.

Some authors reject broad usage of the term or exclude certain parties and regimes.[12] Following the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II, there have been few self-proclaimed fascist groups and individuals. In contemporary political discourse, the term fascist is often used by adherents of some ideologies as a pejorative description of their opponents.

[edit] Etymology
The term fascismo was brought into popular usage by the Italian founders of Fascism, Benito Mussolini and the Neo-Hegelian philosopher Giovanni Gentile.[13] It is derived from the Italian word fascio, which means "bundle" or "union", and from the Latin word fasces. [8] The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods tied around an axe, were an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrates; they were carried by his Lictors and could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command.[8] Furthermore, the symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.[14] This is a familiar theme throughout different forms of fascism; for example the Falange symbol is a bunch of arrows joined together by a yoke.[15]

Definitions
Main articles: Definitions of fascism and Fascism and ideology
The popular presentation of Fascism in the publications of the Anglosphere have been radically different in the period during and after World War II than in the period 1919—1939, when Mussolini and the Italian Fascists were widely acclaimed.[16][17] As fascism was associated with the Axis powers who fought and lost the war, and the Anglosphere were mostly among the victorious Allied powers, it was difficult for many years to provide a neutral view of the topic. English-speaking (and other) historians, political scientists, and other scholars have engaged in long and furious debates concerning the exact nature of fascism.[18] However since the 1990s, with the smoke of post-war propaganda clearing, scholars have began to gather a rough consensus on the system's core tenets, noted proponents include Payne, MacDonald, Griffin, Farrell and Paxton.

While various attempts to define Fascism have been made, the problem scholars often run into is that each form of fascism is different from any other, leaving many definitions as too wide or too narrow.[19][20] Below are two examples of attempts to define Fascism, in a concise, to the point form;

Fascism is] a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti conservative nationalism. As such it is an ideology deeply bound up with modernization and modernity, one which has assumed a considerable variety of external forms to adapt itself to the particular historical and national context in which it appears, and has drawn a wide range of cultural and intellectual currents, both left and right, anti-modern and pro-modern, to articulate itself as a body of ideas, slogans, and doctrine. In the inter-war period it manifested itself primarily in the form of an elite-led "armed party" which attempted, mostly unsuccessfully, to generate a populist mass movement through a liturgical style of politics and a programme of radical policies which promised to overcome a threat posed by international socialism, to end the degeneration affecting the nation under liberalism, and to bring about a radical renewal of its social, political and cultural life as part of what was widely imagined to be the new era being inaugurated in Western civilization. The core mobilizing myth of fascism which conditions its ideology, propaganda, style of politics and actions is the vision of the nation's imminent rebirth from decadence. — Roger Griffin, The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology[21]
A form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion. — Robert O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism .[1]

Political spectrum
The place of fascism in the political spectrum remains highly debated. In practice, fascism opposed communism and classic liberalism but also laissez faire capitalism and forms of socialism and conservatism. Many scholars accept fascism as a search for a Third Way among these fields.[22][23][24][25][26][27][2][28][29] Sir Oswald Mosley leader of the British Union of Fascists for example, chose to self-describe his position as "hard centre" on the political spectrum.[30] Scholar A. James Gregor asserts that the most "uninspired effort to understand fascism" is to simply place it on the right-wing, or the radical right as the common tendency was in the Anglosphere during the post-war period.[18] While Walter Laqueur asserts that historical fascism: "did not belong to the extreme Left, yet defining it as part of the extreme Right is not very illuminating either." but that it "was always a coalition between radical, populist ('fascist') elements and others gravitating toward the extreme Right".[5] Since the end of World War II, many fascist movements have become more monolithically right-wing, and became intertwined with the radical right.[31][32]

The original founders of Fascism in Italy were made up of people who were previously socialists, syndicalists, military men and anarchists but had become angered at the international left's opposition to patriotism and decided to form a new movement; Benito Mussolini, Michele Bianchi and Dino Grandi were all previously socialists.[33] The two biggest difference between the movements, is that fascism rejects the idea of class war in favor of class collaboration,[34] while also rejecting socialist internationalism in favor of statist nationalism.[35]


[edit] Post-war misusage
Main article: Fascist (epithet)
The word fascist has become a slur throughout the political spectrum following World War II, and it has been uncommon for political groups to call themselves fascist. Scholar Richard Griffiths asserted in 2005 that the term fascism is the "most misused, and over-used word of our times".[20] In contemporary political discourse, adherents of some political ideologies tend to associate fascism with their enemies, or define it as the opposite of their own views. In the strict sense of the word, Fascism covers movements before WWII, and later movements who some claim have a vague connection to the original form are described as neo-fascist. Some have argued that the term fascist has become hopelessly vague over the years and that it has become little more than a pejorative epithet, for example socialist George Orwell wrote in 1944:

The word ‘Fascism’ is almost entirely meaningless. In conversation, of course, it is used even more wildly than in print. I have heard it applied to farmers, shopkeepers, Social Credit, corporal punishment, fox-hunting, bull-fighting, the 1922 Committee, the 1941 Committee, Kipling, Gandhi, Chiang Kai-Shek, homosexuality, Priestley's broadcasts, Youth Hostels, astrology, women, dogs and I do not know what else... almost any English person would accept ‘bully’ as a synonym for ‘Fascist’. — George Orwell, What is Fascism?. 1944.[36][edit] Italian Fascism
Main article: Italian Fascism
See also: The Doctrine of Fascism, Actual Idealism, and March on Rome
Italian Fascism was the first form of fascism to emerge and the originator of the name. It is considered the model for the other fascisms, yet there is no agreement about which aspects of structure, tactics, culture, and ideology represent the "fascist minimum" core.


Benito Mussolini (man wearing the sash) and Italian Fascists during the March on Rome in October 1922.Fascism was born during a period of social and political unrest following the First World War. The war had seen Italy, born from the Italian unification less than a century earlier begin to appreciate a sense of nationalism, rather than the historic regionalism.[37] Despite the Kingdom of Italy being a fully fledged Allied Power during the war against the Central Powers, Italy was given what nationalists considered an unfair deal at the Treaty of Versailles; which they saw as the other allies "blocking" Italy from progressing to a major power.[37] A significant example of this was when the other allies told Italy to hand over the city of Fiume at the Paris Peace Conference, this saw war veteran Gabriele d'Annunzio declaring the independent state Italian Regency of Carnaro.[23] He positioned himself as Duce of the nation and declared a constitution, the Charter of Carnaro which was highly influential to early Fascism, though he himself never became a fascist.[23]


An Italian Fascist flag.An important factor in fascism gaining support in its earliest stages was the fact that it opposed discrimination based on social class and was strongly opposed to all forms of class war.[38] Fascism instead supported nationalist sentiments such as a strong unity, regardless of class, in the hopes of raising Italy up to the levels of its great Roman past. This side of fascism endeared itself to the aristocracy and the bourgeois, as it promised to protect their existence; after the Russian Revolution, they had greatly feared the prospect of a bloody class war coming to Italy by the hand of the communists and the socialists. Mussolini did not ignore the plight of the working class, however, and he gained their support with stances such as those in The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle, published in June 1919.[38] In the manifesto he demanded, amongst other things, creation of a minimum wage, showing the same confidence in labor unions (which prove to be technically and morally worthy) as was given to industry executives or public servants, voting rights for women, and the systemisation of public transport such as railways.[38]

Mussolini and the fascists managed to be simultaneously revolutionary and traditionalist;[39][40] because this was vastly different to anything else in the political climate of the time, it is sometimes described as "The Third Way".[41] The Fascisti, led by one of Mussolini's close confidants, Dino Grandi, formed armed squads of war veterans called Blackshirts (or squadristi) with the goal of restoring order to the streets of Italy with a strong hand. The blackshirts clashed with communists, socialists and anarchists at parades and demonstrations; all of these factions were also involved in clashes against each other. The government rarely interfered with the blackshirts' actions, due in part to a looming threat and widespread fear of a communist revolution. The Fascisti grew so rapidly that within two years, it transformed itself into the National Fascist Party at a congress in Rome. Also in 1921, Mussolini was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the first time and was later appointed as Prime Minister by the King in 1922. He then went on to install a dictatorship after the 10 June 1924 assassination of Giacomo Matteotti, who had finished writing The Fascist Exposed: A Year of Fascist Domination, by Amerigo Dumini and others agents of the Ceka secret police created by Mussolini.

Influenced by the concepts of the Roman Empire, with Mussolini viewing himself as a modern day Roman Emperor, Italy set out to build the Italian Empire[42] whose colonialism would reach further into Africa in an attempt to compete with British and French colonial empires.[43] Mussolini dreamt of making Italy a nation that was "great, respected and feared" throughout Europe, and indeed the world. An early example was his bombardment of Corfu in 1923. Soon after he succeeded in setting up a puppet regime in Albania and in ruthlessly consolidating Italian power in Libya, which had been loosely a colony since 1912. It was his dream to make the Mediterranean mare nostrum ("our sea" in Latin), and he established a large naval base on the Greek island of Leros to enforce a strategic hold on the eastern Mediterranean.


[edit] Other variations and subforms
See also: European fascist ideologies and Fascism as an international phenomenon
Movements identified by scholars as fascist hold a variety of views, what constitutes as fascism is often a hotly contested subject. The original movement which self-identified as Fascist was that of Benito Mussolini and his National Fascist Party. Intellectuals such as Giovanni Gentile produced The Doctrine of Fascism and founded the ideology. The majority of strains which emerged after the original fascism, but are sometimes placed under the wider usage of the term, self-identified their parties with different names, major examples include; Falangism, Integralism and Nazism as well as various other designations.[44]


[edit] Nazism

Nazi rally, 1935Main article: Nazism

Flag of the National Socialist German Workers' Party and Nazi Germany.The term Nazism refers to the ideology of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party and its Weltanschauung, which permeated German society (and to some degree European and American society) during the party’s years as the German government (1933 to 1945). Free elections in 1932 under Germany’s Weimar Republic made the NSDAP the largest parliamentary faction; no similar party in any country at that time had achieved comparable electoral success. Adolf Hitler’s 30 January 1933 appointment as Chancellor of Germany and his subsequent consolidation of dictatorial power marked the beginning of Nazi Germany. During its first year in power, the NSDAP announced the Tausendjähriges Reich (“Thousand Years’ Empire”) or Drittes Reich (“Third Reich”), a putative successor to the Holy Roman Empire and the German Empire).

Although the modern consensus sees Nazism as a type of generic fascism[45], some scholars, such as Gilbert Allardyce and A.F.K. Organski, argue that Nazism is not fascism — either because the differences are too great, or because they believe fascism cannot be generic.[46][47] A synthesis of these two opinions, states that German Nazism was a form of racially-oriented fascism, while Italian fascism was state-oriented.

Nazism differed from Italian fascism in that it had a stronger emphasis on race, in terms of social and economic policies. Though both ideologies denied the significance of the individual, Italian fascism saw the individual as subservient to the state, whereas Nazism saw the individual, as well as the state, as ultimately subservient to the race.[48] Mussolini's Fascism held that cultural factors existed to serve the state, and that it was not necessarily in the state's interest to interfere in cultural aspects of society. The only purpose of government in Mussolini's fascism was to uphold the state as supreme above all else, a concept which can be described as statolatry. Where fascism talked of state, Nazism spoke of the Volk and of the Volksgemeinschaft [49] Despite these differences, Kevin Passmore (2002 p.62) observes:

There are sufficient similarities between Fascism and Nazism to make it worthwhile applying the concept of fascism to both. In Italy and Germany a movement came to power that sought to create national unity through the repression of national enemies and the incorporation of all classes and both genders into a permanently mobilized nation.[50]


[edit] Falangism
Main article: Falangism
See also: Falangism in Latin America and Kataeb Party

José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Falangism founder.Falangism is a form of fascism founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1933, emerging during a complex political time during the Second Spanish Republic.[51] Primo de Rivera was the son of Miguel Primo de Rivera who was appointed Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Spain by Bourbon monarch Alfonso XIII of Spain; José's father would serve as military dictator from 1923—1930. In the Spanish general election, 1931 the winners were socialists and radical republican parties; this saw Alfonso XIII "suspending the exercise of royal power" and going into exile in Rome.[52] Spain had turned from a kingdom into a republic overnight.[52] A liberal Republican Constitution was instated, giving the right of autonomy to regions, stripping the nobility of juristic status and stripping from the Catholic Church its schools.[53]

It was in this environment that José Antonio Primo de Rivera looked at Mussolini's Italy and found inspiration. Primo de Rivera founded the Falange Española party; the name is a reference to the formidable Ancient Greek military formation phalanx.[54] Just a year after foundation Falange Española merged with the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista party of Ramiro Ledesma and Onésimo Redondo.[55] The party and Primo de Rivera revealed the Falange Manifesto in November 1934; it promoted nationalism, unity, glorification of the Spanish Empire and dedication to the national syndicalism economic policy, inspired by integralism in which there is class collaboration.[56] The manifesto supported agrarianism, looking to improve the standard of living for the peasants of the rural areas. It supported anti-capitalism, anti-Marxism, repudiating the latter's divisive class war philosophy, and was directly opposed to the ruling Republican regime.[56] The Falange participated in the Spanish general election, 1936 with low results compared to the left-wing Popular Front, but soon after increased in membership rapidly, with a membership of 40,000.[57]

“ "We reject the capitalist system, which disregards the needs of the people, dehumanizes private property, and transforms the workers into shapeless masses that are prone to misery and despair. Our spiritual and national awareness likewise repudiates Marxism. We shall channel the drive of the working classes, that are nowadays led astray by Marxism, by demanding their direct participation in the formidable task of the national State." ”
—José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Falange Manifesto. 1934.[56]


Flag of the FET y de las JONS party.Primo de Rivera was captured by Republicans on 6 July 1936 and held in captivity at Alicante. The Spanish Civil War broke out on 17 July 1936 between the Republicans and the Nationalists, with the Falangistas fighting for Nationalist cause.[56] Despite his incarceration Primo de Rivera was a strong symbol of the cause, referred to as El Ausente, meaning "the Absent One"; he was summarily executed on 20 November after a trial by socialists.[58]

After this, military leader Francisco Franco, who was not as ideological as his predecessor, became leader of the Falangists and continued the nationalist fight, with aid from Italy and Germany against the republicans who were supported by the Soviet Union.[59] A merger between the Falange and the Carlist traditionalists who support a different line of the monarchy to that of exiled Alfonso XIII took place in 1937, creating the FET y de las JONS, essentially a move away from fascism.[51] This is somewhat controversial in Falangist circles because some elements argue that it was a move away from "authentic Falangism".[60] Regardless nationalists won the Civil War, inserting the Spanish State in 1939 and under a single-party system Franco ruled.[51] Franco managed to balance several different interests of elements in his party, in an effort to keep them united, especially in regards to the question of monarchy.[61] The Francoist state was strongly nationalist, anti-communist and anti-separatist throughout. With his Movimiento Nacional; he supported traditional values such as Christianity, in contrast to the anti-clerical violence of the republicans.[61] Franco and Francoist Spain, although they adopted trappings of fascism, are often not considered to be fascist, for example Stanley Payne, has asserted: "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the generalissimo to be a core fascist". [62]


[edit] Iron Guard

Stamp bearing the symbol of the Iron Guard over a green cross that stood for one of its humanitarian ventures.Main article: Iron Guard
The Iron Guard was founded by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on 24 July 1927 as the Legion of the Archangel Michael (Legiunea Arhanghelul Mihail), and led by him until Codreanu's death in 1938, adherents to the movement continued to be widely referred to as "legionnaires" (sometimes "legionaries"; Romanian: legionarii) and the organization as the "Legion" or the "Legionary Movement" (Mişcarea Legionară), despite various changes of the (intermittently banned) organization's name. In March 1930 Codreanu formed the "Iron Guard" (Garda de Fier) as a paramilitary political branch of the Legion; this name eventually came to refer to the Legion itself. Later, in June 1935, the Legion changed its official name to the Totul pentru Ţară party, literally "Everything for the Country", but commonly translated as "Everything for the Fatherland" or occasionally "Everything for the Motherland".[63]


[edit] Rexism
Main article: Rexism
Rexism was the ideology of the Rexist Party (Parti Rexiste), officially called Christus Rex, founded in 1930 by Léon Degrelle, a Walloon. The name was derived from the Roman Catholic social teachings concerning Christus Rex, and it was also the title of a conservative Catholic journal. This ideology called for the moral renewal of Belgian society in conformity with the teachings of the Church, by forming a corporatist society, and abolishing democracy. As the group became more radical, it was cut off from the Church by the Belgian bishops.


[edit] Ustaša
Main article: Ustaša
The Ustaša - Croatian Revolutionary Movement was a nationalist organization that sought to create an independent Croatian state. When the Ustaše came to power in the Nazi-puppet Independent State of Croatia during World War II, its military wing became the Ustaše Army (Ustaška Vojnica). It was founded in 1929 after the assassination of the leading Croatian politician (President of the Croatian Peasants' Party) Stjepan Radić in the Yougoslav Assembly (Skupština) by radical Serbian politician Puniša Račić. It was later taken over by Ante Pavelić. The Ustaše enacted race laws patterned after those of the Third Reich, which were aimed against Jews and Roma, but predominately Serbs, who were collectively declared enemies of the Croatian people. Serbs, Jews, Roma and Croatian anti-fascists, including Communist Croats and dissident Croat Byzantine Catholic priests[citation needed], were interned in concentration camps, the largest of which was the Jasenovac complex, where they were most often brutally murdered by Ustaše militia.


[edit] Commonly alleged fascist ideologies and para-fascism
A number of states and movements have had various characteristics that are similar to fascism, but have denied being affiliated to fascism. Para-fascism is a term sometimes used to describe authoritarian regimes which appear like fascism on the surface but some scholars claim differ substantially from true fascism when a more than superficial examination is done.[64] Roger Griffin uses the term whereas Stanley Payne uses the term Radical Right. The consensus among scholars rejects these many anti-liberal, anti-communist inter-war movements which lacked fascism's revolutionary goal to create a new national character as fascist.[65] Para-fascists typically eschewed radical change and viewed genuine fascists as a threat.[66] Parafascist states were often unwillingly the home of genuine fascist movements which they eventually suppressed or co-opted.[67]

Besides Parafascism there are also other (not nescessary inter-war) regimes and movements that have had simliaries to fascism.


[edit] Austrian Fatherland Front
Main article: Austrofascism
"Austrofascism" is a controversial category encompassing various para-fascist and semi-fascist movements in Austria in the 1930s.[68] Especially referring to the Fatherland Front which became Austria's sole legal political party in 1934. The Fatherland Front's ideology was partly based on a fusion of Italian fascism, as expounded by Gentile, and Austria's Political Catholicism.[citation needed] It had an ideology of the "community of the people" (Volksgemeinschaft) that was different from that of the Nazis. They were similar in that both served to attack the idea of a class struggle by accusing leftism of destroying individuality, and thus help usher in a totalitarian state. Engelbert Dollfuß claimed he wanted to "over-Hitler" (überhitlern) Nazism.

Unlike the ethnic nationalism promoted by Italian Fascists and Nazis, the Fatherland Front focused entirely on cultural nationalism such as Austrian identity and distinctness from Germany, such as extolling Austria's ties to the Roman Catholic Church. According to this philosophy, Austrians were "better Germans" (by this time, the majority of the German population was Protestant). The monarchy was elevated to the ideal of a powerful and far-reaching state, a status which Austria lost after the Treaty of Saint-Germain. The notion of the Fatherland Front being fascist was claimed due to the regime's support and similar ideology of Fascist Italy.


[edit] Estado Novo
Main articles: Estado Novo (Portugal) and Estado Novo (Brazil)
The Estado Novo was an authoritarian regime with an integralist orientation, which differed from fascist regimes by its lack of expansionism, lack of a charismatic leader, lack of party structure and more moderate use of state violence. [69] However it incorporated the same principles for its military from Mussolini's system. Its founder in Portugal, António de Oliveira Salazar, was a Catholic traditionalist who believed in the necessity of control over the forces of economic modernisation in order to defend the religious and rural values of the country, which he perceived as being threatened. One of the pillars of the regime was the PIDE, the secret police. Many political dissidents were imprisoned at the Tarrafal prison in the African archipelago of Cape Verde, on the capital island of Santiago, or in local jails. Strict state censorship was in place.

Another authoritarian government, installed in Brazil by President Getúlio Dornelles Vargas, lasted from 1937 to 1945. It was modelled on the Portuguese Estado Novo regime and even took its name.


[edit] 4th of August Regime
Main article: 4th of August Regime
From 1936 to 1941, Greece was ruled by an authoritarian regime under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas akin to that of Franco's Spain. Historians of this period in Greek history, such as Richard Clogg, John Hondros, William McNeill, C. M. Woodhouse and others, all strongly contend that the state was not "fascist" but authoritarian with fascist "leanings".[citation needed] The Metaxas regime differed from regimes such as Mussolini's and Hitler's in many notable ways: it was relatively nonviolent, did not pursue an expansionist agenda, it did not institute anti-semitic programs, and it lacked a mass political movement.


[edit] Ku Klux Klan
Main article: Ku Klux Klan
The Ku Klux Klan developed nearly half a century before the rise of Italian Fascism in Italy. It was formed mainly as a response to the defeat of the South in the American Civil War and the freeing of African slaves. It has noted similarities to Nazism. It promotes ethnic nationalism, nativism, populism, racism, antisemitism, and anti-Communism. However, the Klan was mostly reactionary rather than revolutionary. In addition it also was a Protestant movement, while the Nazis attempted to enforce their racist viewpoints largely through science rather than religion. Also the Klan could not be considered paticulary anti-democratic. It worked within the American democratic system to enforce white supremacy and had no goals of establishing a dictatorship.

By the late 30's, the Klan had a prolonged flirtation with fascist organizations in the United States with many American fascist leaders appearing in Klan ralles.[70] The Klan had a complex relationship with the German American Bund. Some Klan groups supported it and felt that they shared the same principles while other groups were generally hostile to it.[71] After the war, neo-Nazi groups and Klan groups became more strongly allied. Some Klan groups have become increasingly "Nazified" adopting the look and emblems of the Nazi skinheads.[72] It has been stated that Klan movements have become more and more like fascist ones and the two groups are almost indistinguishable.[73]


[edit] Nouvelle Droite
Main article: Nouvelle Droite
Nouvelle Droite is a school of political thought founded largely on the works of Alain de Benoist and GRECE (Research and Study Group on European Culture). It has been identified as a new or sanitized form of neo-fascism, or an ideology of the extreme right that significantly draws from fascism (Laqueur, 1996; Lee, 1997). Nouvelle Droite arguments can be found in the rhetoric of many major radical right and far-right parties in Europe such as the National Front in France, the Freedom Party in Austria and Vlaams Belang in Flanders (Belgium). This, despite the fact that Alain de Benoist and certain other ideologues of the Nouvelle Droite, since the late 80s, had issued statements against some populist far-right movements.[citation needed]


[edit] Core tenets

[edit] Nationalism and populism
Please help improve this article or section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion. (August 2008)

Nationalism is an important element of fascism. Fascists believe the state to have its own distinctive characteristics, culture, and interests, and which is superior to others. Mussolini once said "Everything in the state. Nothing outside the state. Nothing against the state."

Fascism also has elements of populism and appealed to an Agrarian myth.[74] Fascism also tends to be anti-intellectual.[75] The Nazis in particular despised intellectuals and university professors. Hitler declared them unreliable, useless and even dangerous.[76] Still, Hitler has been quoted as saying "When I take a look at the intellectual classes we have - unfortunately, I suppose, they are necessary; otherwise one could one day, I don't know, exterminate them or something - but unfortunately they're necessary."[77]


[edit] Position on democracy
A key element of fascism is its endorsement of the leadership over a country of a dictator, who is often known simply as the "Leader" (Duce in Italian, Führer in German, Caudillo in Spanish, and Conducător in Romanian). Fascist leaders that rule countries are not always heads of state, but heads of government, such as Benito Mussolini who held power under the largely figurehead King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel III.

In the case of Italy, Fascism arose in the 1920s as a mixture of syndicalist notions with an anti-materialist theory of the state; the latter had already been linked to an extreme nationalism.[citation needed] Fascists accused parliamentary democracy of producing division and decline, and wished to renew the nation from decadence. They viewed the state as an organic entity in a positive light rather than as an institution designed to protect individual rights, or as one that should be held in check. Fascism universally dismissed the Marxist concept of "class struggle", replacing it instead with the concept of "class collaboration".[citation needed] Fascists embraced nationalism and mysticism, advancing ideals of strength and power.[citation needed]

Fascism is typified by totalitarian attempts to impose state control over all aspects of life: political, social, cultural, and economic, by way of a strong, single-party government for enacting laws and a strong, sometimes brutal militia or police force for enforcing them.[78] Fascism exalts the nation, state, or group of people as superior to the individuals composing it, and uses explicit populist rhetoric. It calls for a heroic mass effort to restore past greatness, and demands loyalty to a single leader, leading to a cult of personality and unquestioned obedience to orders (see Führerprinzip). Fascism is also considered to be a form of collectivism.[79][80][81]


[edit] Militarism
Fascists typically advocate a strong military that is capable of both defensive and offensive actions. In Germany and Italy under Hitler and Mussolini, enormous amounts of funding was dedicated to the military. In some fascist regimes, the fascist movement itself has a paramilitary wing which is included in the armed forces of the country, such as the SS in Germany and the MVSN in Italy, which are devoted directly and specifically to the fascist movement.


[edit] Economic policies
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Further information: Economics of fascism
Fascists opposed what they believed to be laissez-faire or quasi-laissez-faire economic policies dominant in the era prior to the Great Depression.[82] People of many different political stripes blamed laissez-faire capitalism for the Great Depression, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "third way" between capitalism and Marxian socialism.[83] Their policies manifested as a radical extension of government control over the economy without wholesale expropriation of the means of production. Fascist governments nationalized some key industries, managed their currencies and made some massive state investments. They also introduced price controls, wage controls and other types of economic planning measures.[84] Fascist governments instituted state-regulated allocation of resources, especially in the financial and raw materials sectors.

Other than nationalization of certain industries, private property was allowed, but property rights and private initiative were contingent upon service to the state.[85] For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labor than he would find profitable."[86][86] According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, dirigisme was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.[87] The Labour Charter of 1927, promulgated by the Grand Council of Fascism, stated in article 7:

"The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation," then goes on to say in article 9 that: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."
Fascism also operated from a Social Darwinist view of human relations. Their aim was to promote "superior" individuals and weed out the weak.[88] In terms of economic practice, this meant promoting the interests of successful businessmen while destroying trade unions and other organizations of the working class.[89] Historian Gaetano Salvemini argued in 1936 that fascism makes taxpayers responsible to private enterprise, because "the State pays for the blunders of private enterprise... Profit is private and individual. Loss is public and social."[90]

Economic policy in the first few years of Italian fascism was largely liberal, with the Ministry of Finance controlled by the old liberal Alberto De Stefani. The government undertook a low-key laissez-faire program - the tax system was restructured (February 1925 law, 23 June 1927 decree-law, etc.), there were attempts to attract foreign investment and establish trade agreements, efforts were made to balance the budget and cut subsidies. The 10% tax on capital invested in banking and industrial sectors was repealed,[91] while the tax on directors and administrators of anonymous companies (SA) was cut down by half.[91] All foreign capital was exonerated of taxes, while the luxury tax was also repealed.[91] Mussolini also opposed municipalization of enterprises.[91]

The 19 April 1923 law abandoned life insurance to private companies, repealing the 1912 law which had created a State Institute for insurances and which had envisioned to give a state monopoly ten years later.[92] Furthermore, a 19 November 1922 decree suppressed the Commission on War Profits, while the 20 August 1923 law suppressed the inheritance tax inside the family circle.[91]

There was a general emphasis on what has been called productivism - national economic growth as a means of social regeneration and wider assertion of national importance. Up until 1925, the country enjoyed modest growth but structural weaknesses increased inflation and the currency slowly fell (1922 L90 to £1, 1925 L145 to £1). In 1925 there was a great increase in speculation and short runs against the lira. The levels of capital movement became so great the government attempted to intervene. De Stefani was sacked, his program side-tracked, and the Fascist government became more involved in the economy in step with the increased security of their power.

In 1925, the Italian state abandoned its monopoly on telephones' infrastructure, while the state production of matches was handed over to a private "Consortium of matches' productors."[92] In some sectors, the state did intervene. Thus, following the deflation crisis which started in 1926, banks such as the Banca di Roma, the Banca di Napoli or the Banca di Sicilia were assisted by the state.[93]

Fascists were most vocal in their opposition to finance capitalism, interest charging, and profiteering.[94] Some fascists, particularly Nazis, considered finance capitalism a "parasitic" "Jewish conspiracy".[95] Nevertheless, fascists also opposed Marxism and independent trade unions.

According to sociologist Stanislav Andreski, fascist economics "foreshadowed most of the fundamental features of the economic system of Western European countries today: the radical extension of government control over the economy without a wholesale expropriation of the capitalists but with a good dose of nationalisation, price control, incomes policy, managed currency, massive state investment, attempts at overall planning (less effectual than the Fascist because of the weakness of authority)."[84] Politics professor Stephen Haseler credits fascism with providing a model of economic planning for social democracy.[96]

In Nazi economic planning, in place of ordinary profit incentive to guide the economy, investment was guided through regulation to accord to the needs of the State. The profit incentive for business owners was retained, though greatly modified through various profit-fixing schemes: "Fixing of profits, not their suppression, was the official policy of the Nazi party." However the function of profit in automatically guiding allocation of investment and unconsciously directing the course of the economy was replaced with economic planning by Nazi government agencies.[97]


[edit] Social policies
On the question of whether one can speak of “fascist social policy” as single concept with logical and internally consistent ideas and common identifiable goals, some scholars say that one cannot, pointing for example to German National Socialism where such policy was mostly opportunistic and pragmatic. [98] Generally all fascist movements endorse social interventionism. What differentiated fascists from the right wing, namely the radical right and the conservative authoritarian right (such as Francoist Spain), was a matter of social policy, the right meant freezing the status quo but for fascists meant transformation of status and class relationships through revolutionary means (authoritarian conservatives being more conservative and radical right being more rightist than fascists). [99] Thus, from a social policy standpoint, fascism is not a socially conservative perspective.[100] Mussolini promised a “social revolution” for “remaking” the Italian people which was only achieved in part. [101] The groups that primarily benefited from Italian Fascist social policy were the middle and lower-middle classes who filled the jobs in the vastly expanding government – the government expanding from about 500,000 to a million jobs in 1930 alone. [102] Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, welfare rising from 7% of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940. [103]

The Fascist government in Italy banned abortion and literature on birth control in 1926 and declared abortion and distribution of birth control literature as crimes against the state.[104] A year later, the Fascist government began the "Battle for Births" in 1927, a social engineering policy aimed at increasing the population of Italians. Along with the ban on abortion and birth control, during the Battle for Births the Fascist government gave financial incentrives to women who raised large families as well as policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.[105]

Fascism also tends to promote principles of masculine heroism, militarism, and discipline; and rejects cultural pluralism and multiculturalism.[106] The Italian Fascist government declared homosexuality illegal in Italy in 1931.[107] The Fascist government advocated a number of policies on improving living standards for labourers such as by establishing the nationwide Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro in 1925, which was a state-sponsored organization that created numerous municipal clubs across Italy that allowed lower-income citizens to attend recreational activities, watch movies, and listen to musical performances, etc. On the issue of social equality, Mussolini on a number of occasions rejected racism, and rejected the notion of the Nazis of biologically superior races. Mussolini claimed however that there were culturally and morally superior nations. However pressure placed on Mussolini by the Nazis and racist Fascist members such as Roberto Farinacci eventually resulted in the Fascists officially adopting racist rhetoric in the late 1930s and racist policies in 1938.

Nazi eugenics placed the improvement of the race through eugenics at the center of their concerns and targeted those humans they identified as "life unworthy of life" (German Lebensunwertes Leben), including but not limited to mentally and physically disabled, homosexuals, feeble-minded, insane, and the weak. Adolf Hitler personally decriminalized abortion in case of fetuses having racial or hereditary defects, while the abortion of healthy "pure" German, "Aryan" unborn remained strictly forbidden.[108] In fact, for non-Aryans abortion was not only allowed but often compelled. [109] Like their forbears, the Neo-nazi position on abortion is not about preservation of life but propagation of the race; the Aryan Nation security chief stated: “I’m just against abortion for the pure white race. For blacks and other mongrelized races, abortion is a good idea.” [110] The Nazis based their eugenics program on the United States' programs of forced sterilization.[111] Their eugenics program stemmed also from the “progressive biomedical model” of Weimar Germany. [112] The opposition to homosexuality was based on the Nazis view that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, and perverted and undermined the masculinity which they promoted and because they did not produce children for the master race.[113] Nevertheless the Nazis considered homosexuality curable though therapy. They explained it though modern scientism and the study of sexology which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority. [114] Critics have claimed that the Nazis' claim of scientific reasons for their promotion of racism, and hostility to homosexuals is pseudoscience (fake science),[115][116] in that scientific findings were selectively picked that promoted their pre-existing views, while scientific findings opposing those views were rejected and not taken into account.

Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted pre- and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood, and divorce and at other times opposed such behaviour. [117] The growth of Nazi power, however, was accompanied by a breakdown of traditional sexual morals with regard to extramarital sex and licentiousness. [118] Hitler was personally opposed to the idea of social welfare because, in his view, it encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and feeble.[119] However, once in power the Nazis created welfare programs to deal with the large numbers of unemployment. Nevertheless, unlike social welfare programs in other countries, Nazi social welfare programs were residual, as they excluded certain people from the system whom they felt were incapable of helping themselves and would only pose a threat to the future health of the German people.[120]


[edit] Positions on religion
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Please see the discussion on the talk page. (August 2008)
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Many scholars believe the attitude of fascism toward religion has run the spectrum from persecution, to denunciation, to cooperation, [121] to embrace.[122] According to a biographer of Mussolini, "Initially, fascism was fiercely anti-Catholic" - the Church being a competitor for dominion of the people's hearts. [123] Mussolini, originally a socialist internationalist and atheist, published anti-Catholic writings and planned for the confiscation of Church property, but eventually moved to accommodation. [121] Hitler was born a Roman Catholic but renounced his faith at the age of twelve and largely used religious references to attract religious support to the Nazi political agenda. Mussolini largely endorsed the Roman Catholic Church for political legitimacy, as during the Lateran Treaty talks, Fascist officials engaged in bitter arguments with Vatican officials and put pressure on them to accept the terms that the regime deemed acceptable.[124] The Nazi party had decidedly pagan elements. Although both Hitler and Mussolini were anticlerical, some believe they both understood that it would be rash to begin their Kulturkampfs prematurely, such a clash, possibly inevitable in the future, being put off while they dealt with other enemies. [125]

Relations were close in the likes of the Belgian Rexists (which was eventually denounced by the Church). In addition, many Fascists were anti-clerical in both private and public life. [126] In Mexico the fascist[127][128][129] Red Shirts not only renounced religion but were vehemently atheist[130], killing priests, and on one occasion gunned down Catholics as they left Mass.[131]

Others have argued that there has been a strong connection between some versions of fascism and religion, particularly the Catholic Church.[132] Religion did play a real part in the Ustasha in Croatia which had strong religious (Catholic) overtones and clerics in positions of power.[133] Spain's Falangists emphasized the struggle against the atheism of the left. The nationalist authoritarian movement in the Slovak Republic (the People's Party) was established by a catholic priest (Father Hlinka) and presided over by another (Father Tiso). The fascist movement in Romania known as the Iron Guard or the Legion of Archangel Michael invariably preceded its meetings with a church service and "their demonstrations were usually led by priests carrying icons and religious flags." [134] [135] In Latin America the most important Fascist movement was Plinio Salgado's Brazilian "Integralism." Built on a network of lay religious associations, its vision was of an "integral state," that `comes from Christ, is inspired in Christ, acts for Christ, and goes toward Christ.` [136][137][138] Salgado, however, criticised the "dangerous pagan tendencies of Hitlerism" [139] and maintained that his movement differed from European fascism in that it respected the "rights of the human person".[140]

One theory is that religion and fascism could never have a lasting connection because both are a "holistic Weltanschauung" claiming the whole of the person. [121] Along these lines, Yale political scientist, Juan Linz and others have noted that secularization had created a void which could be filled by a total ideology, making totalitarianism possible[141][142], and Roger Griffin has characterized fascism as a type of anti-religious political religion.[143] Such political religions vie with existing religions, and try, if possible, to replace or eradicate them. [144] Hitler and the Nazi regime attempted to found their own version of Christianity called Positive Christianity which made major changes in its interpretation of the Bible which said that Jesus Christ was the son of God, but was not a Jew and claimed that Christ despised Jews, and that the Jews were the ones solely responsible for Christ's death.

[Masquerade]

Görüyorum ve çalıp birleştiriyorum.

karpuzseven said:

TAHILLAR

1 dilim beyaz ekmek 28 gr 90
1 dilim kepekli ekmek 28 gr 60
1 dilim kızarmış ekmek 15 gr 35
1 adet kruasan 200 gr 200
bisküvi 100 gr 470
mercimek (kuru) 100 gr 314
arpa (kuru) 100 gr 367
bulgur (kuru) 100 gr 371
kuskus (kuru) 100 gr 367
mısır (kuru) 100 gr 342
buğday (kuru) 100 gr 364
susam 100 gr 589
makarna (kuru) 100 gr 339
makarna (haşlanmış) 100 gr 85
pirinç (kuru) 100 gr 357
pirinç (haşlanmış) 100 gr 125

SÜT VE YUMURTA ÜRÜNLERİ

yoğurt (yağlı) 100 gr 95
süt (yağlı) 100 gr 68
yoğurt (yağlı,meyveli) 100 gr 125
beyaz peynir (yağlı) 100 gr 275
kaşar peyniri (yağlı) 100 gr 413
parmesan peyniri (yağlı) 100 gr 440
yumurta 1 adet 80
yumurta akı 1 adet 15
yumurta sarısı 1 adet 65

YAĞLAR

tereyağı 28 gr 206
margarin 28 gr 204
sıvı yağ 28 gr 130

ETLER

biftek (ızgara) 100 gr 278
tavuk (ızgara) 100 gr 132
tavuk göğsü (haşlanmış) 100 gr 150
kuzu (yağlı, ızgara) 100 gr 282
kuzu ciğeri (yağda) 100 gr 232
salam 100 gr 446
sosis 100 gr 295

DENİZ ÜRÜNLERİ

midye 1 adet 9
istiridye 1 adet 6
karides 1 adet 144
somon füme 100 gr 171
ton balığı 100 gr 121

SEBZELER

domates 1 adet 14
enginar 1 adet 10
patlıcan 1 adet 28
taze fasulye 100 gr 90
brokoli 100 gr 35
brüksel lahanası 100 gr 35
kabak 100 gr 25
havuç 100 gr 35
karnabahar 100 gr 32
kereviz 100 gr 18
salatalık 1 adet 11
marul 100 gr 15
mantar 100 gr 14
soğan 100 gr 35
bezelye 100 gr 89
taze yeşil biber 120 gr 15
patates (haşlama) 100 gr 100
ıspanak 100 gr 26
lahana 100 gr 20
KURUYEMİŞLER

badem 100 gr 600
hindistancevizi 100 gr 603
fındık 100 gr 650
fıstık 100 gr 560
çam fıstığı 100 gr 600
ceviz 100 gr 549
patlamış mısır 100 gr 478
kabak çekirdeği 100 gr 571
ay çekirdeği 100 gr 578
MEYVELER

elma 1 adet 60
kayısı 1 adet 8
muz 1 adet 100
kiraz 100 gr 40
hurma 1 adet 15
incir 100 gr 41
incir (kuru) 100 gr 59
greyfurt 1 adet 60
portakal 1 adet 50
kivi 1 adet 34
mandalina 1 adet 50
karpuz 100 gr 19
kavun 100 gr 18
şeftali 1 adet 60
armut 1 adet 70
erik 1 adet 8
üzüm 100 gr 57
çilek 100 gr 26Fascism is a totalitarian nationalist political ideology and mass movement that is concerned with notions of cultural decline or decadence, and which seeks to achieve a millenarian national rebirth by exalting the nation or race, as well as promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.[1][2][3][4][5]

Various scholars attribute different characteristics to fascism, but the following elements are usually seen as its integral parts: nationalism, militarism, totalitarianism, dictatorship, populism, collectivism, statism, social interventionism, and economic planning. In addition, many scholars see fascism as opposing liberalism, communism, international socialism, democratic socialism,[6] and reactionary conservatism (taking into account that fascists made alliances with conservatives more often than other groups).[7][2][1][8][9][10][11] Though nationalist in nature, fascist movements have sought alliances with each other in different countries on common beliefs, such as opposition to communism.

Some authors reject broad usage of the term or exclude certain parties and regimes.[12] Following the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II, there have been few self-proclaimed fascist groups and individuals. In contemporary political discourse, the term fascist is often used by adherents of some ideologies as a pejorative description of their opponents.

[edit] Etymology
The term fascismo was brought into popular usage by the Italian founders of Fascism, Benito Mussolini and the Neo-Hegelian philosopher Giovanni Gentile.[13] It is derived from the Italian word fascio, which means "bundle" or "union", and from the Latin word fasces. [8] The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods tied around an axe, were an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrates; they were carried by his Lictors and could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command.[8] Furthermore, the symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.[14] This is a familiar theme throughout different forms of fascism; for example the Falange symbol is a bunch of arrows joined together by a yoke.[15]

Definitions
Main articles: Definitions of fascism and Fascism and ideology
The popular presentation of Fascism in the publications of the Anglosphere have been radically different in the period during and after World War II than in the period 1919—1939, when Mussolini and the Italian Fascists were widely acclaimed.[16][17] As fascism was associated with the Axis powers who fought and lost the war, and the Anglosphere were mostly among the victorious Allied powers, it was difficult for many years to provide a neutral view of the topic. English-speaking (and other) historians, political scientists, and other scholars have engaged in long and furious debates concerning the exact nature of fascism.[18] However since the 1990s, with the smoke of post-war propaganda clearing, scholars have began to gather a rough consensus on the system's core tenets, noted proponents include Payne, MacDonald, Griffin, Farrell and Paxton.

While various attempts to define Fascism have been made, the problem scholars often run into is that each form of fascism is different from any other, leaving many definitions as too wide or too narrow.[19][20] Below are two examples of attempts to define Fascism, in a concise, to the point form;

Fascism is] a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti conservative nationalism. As such it is an ideology deeply bound up with modernization and modernity, one which has assumed a considerable variety of external forms to adapt itself to the particular historical and national context in which it appears, and has drawn a wide range of cultural and intellectual currents, both left and right, anti-modern and pro-modern, to articulate itself as a body of ideas, slogans, and doctrine. In the inter-war period it manifested itself primarily in the form of an elite-led "armed party" which attempted, mostly unsuccessfully, to generate a populist mass movement through a liturgical style of politics and a programme of radical policies which promised to overcome a threat posed by international socialism, to end the degeneration affecting the nation under liberalism, and to bring about a radical renewal of its social, political and cultural life as part of what was widely imagined to be the new era being inaugurated in Western civilization. The core mobilizing myth of fascism which conditions its ideology, propaganda, style of politics and actions is the vision of the nation's imminent rebirth from decadence. — Roger Griffin, The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology[21]
A form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion. — Robert O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism .[1]

Political spectrum
The place of fascism in the political spectrum remains highly debated. In practice, fascism opposed communism and classic liberalism but also laissez faire capitalism and forms of socialism and conservatism. Many scholars accept fascism as a search for a Third Way among these fields.[22][23][24][25][26][27][2][28][29] Sir Oswald Mosley leader of the British Union of Fascists for example, chose to self-describe his position as "hard centre" on the political spectrum.[30] Scholar A. James Gregor asserts that the most "uninspired effort to understand fascism" is to simply place it on the right-wing, or the radical right as the common tendency was in the Anglosphere during the post-war period.[18] While Walter Laqueur asserts that historical fascism: "did not belong to the extreme Left, yet defining it as part of the extreme Right is not very illuminating either." but that it "was always a coalition between radical, populist ('fascist') elements and others gravitating toward the extreme Right".[5] Since the end of World War II, many fascist movements have become more monolithically right-wing, and became intertwined with the radical right.[31][32]

The original founders of Fascism in Italy were made up of people who were previously socialists, syndicalists, military men and anarchists but had become angered at the international left's opposition to patriotism and decided to form a new movement; Benito Mussolini, Michele Bianchi and Dino Grandi were all previously socialists.[33] The two biggest difference between the movements, is that fascism rejects the idea of class war in favor of class collaboration,[34] while also rejecting socialist internationalism in favor of statist nationalism.[35]


[edit] Post-war misusage
Main article: Fascist (epithet)
The word fascist has become a slur throughout the political spectrum following World War II, and it has been uncommon for political groups to call themselves fascist. Scholar Richard Griffiths asserted in 2005 that the term fascism is the "most misused, and over-used word of our times".[20] In contemporary political discourse, adherents of some political ideologies tend to associate fascism with their enemies, or define it as the opposite of their own views. In the strict sense of the word, Fascism covers movements before WWII, and later movements who some claim have a vague connection to the original form are described as neo-fascist. Some have argued that the term fascist has become hopelessly vague over the years and that it has become little more than a pejorative epithet, for example socialist George Orwell wrote in 1944:

The word ‘Fascism’ is almost entirely meaningless. In conversation, of course, it is used even more wildly than in print. I have heard it applied to farmers, shopkeepers, Social Credit, corporal punishment, fox-hunting, bull-fighting, the 1922 Committee, the 1941 Committee, Kipling, Gandhi, Chiang Kai-Shek, homosexuality, Priestley's broadcasts, Youth Hostels, astrology, women, dogs and I do not know what else... almost any English person would accept ‘bully’ as a synonym for ‘Fascist’. — George Orwell, What is Fascism?. 1944.[36][edit] Italian Fascism
Main article: Italian Fascism
See also: The Doctrine of Fascism, Actual Idealism, and March on Rome
Italian Fascism was the first form of fascism to emerge and the originator of the name. It is considered the model for the other fascisms, yet there is no agreement about which aspects of structure, tactics, culture, and ideology represent the "fascist minimum" core.


Benito Mussolini (man wearing the sash) and Italian Fascists during the March on Rome in October 1922.Fascism was born during a period of social and political unrest following the First World War. The war had seen Italy, born from the Italian unification less than a century earlier begin to appreciate a sense of nationalism, rather than the historic regionalism.[37] Despite the Kingdom of Italy being a fully fledged Allied Power during the war against the Central Powers, Italy was given what nationalists considered an unfair deal at the Treaty of Versailles; which they saw as the other allies "blocking" Italy from progressing to a major power.[37] A significant example of this was when the other allies told Italy to hand over the city of Fiume at the Paris Peace Conference, this saw war veteran Gabriele d'Annunzio declaring the independent state Italian Regency of Carnaro.[23] He positioned himself as Duce of the nation and declared a constitution, the Charter of Carnaro which was highly influential to early Fascism, though he himself never became a fascist.[23]


An Italian Fascist flag.An important factor in fascism gaining support in its earliest stages was the fact that it opposed discrimination based on social class and was strongly opposed to all forms of class war.[38] Fascism instead supported nationalist sentiments such as a strong unity, regardless of class, in the hopes of raising Italy up to the levels of its great Roman past. This side of fascism endeared itself to the aristocracy and the bourgeois, as it promised to protect their existence; after the Russian Revolution, they had greatly feared the prospect of a bloody class war coming to Italy by the hand of the communists and the socialists. Mussolini did not ignore the plight of the working class, however, and he gained their support with stances such as those in The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle, published in June 1919.[38] In the manifesto he demanded, amongst other things, creation of a minimum wage, showing the same confidence in labor unions (which prove to be technically and morally worthy) as was given to industry executives or public servants, voting rights for women, and the systemisation of public transport such as railways.[38]

Mussolini and the fascists managed to be simultaneously revolutionary and traditionalist;[39][40] because this was vastly different to anything else in the political climate of the time, it is sometimes described as "The Third Way".[41] The Fascisti, led by one of Mussolini's close confidants, Dino Grandi, formed armed squads of war veterans called Blackshirts (or squadristi) with the goal of restoring order to the streets of Italy with a strong hand. The blackshirts clashed with communists, socialists and anarchists at parades and demonstrations; all of these factions were also involved in clashes against each other. The government rarely interfered with the blackshirts' actions, due in part to a looming threat and widespread fear of a communist revolution. The Fascisti grew so rapidly that within two years, it transformed itself into the National Fascist Party at a congress in Rome. Also in 1921, Mussolini was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the first time and was later appointed as Prime Minister by the King in 1922. He then went on to install a dictatorship after the 10 June 1924 assassination of Giacomo Matteotti, who had finished writing The Fascist Exposed: A Year of Fascist Domination, by Amerigo Dumini and others agents of the Ceka secret police created by Mussolini.

Influenced by the concepts of the Roman Empire, with Mussolini viewing himself as a modern day Roman Emperor, Italy set out to build the Italian Empire[42] whose colonialism would reach further into Africa in an attempt to compete with British and French colonial empires.[43] Mussolini dreamt of making Italy a nation that was "great, respected and feared" throughout Europe, and indeed the world. An early example was his bombardment of Corfu in 1923. Soon after he succeeded in setting up a puppet regime in Albania and in ruthlessly consolidating Italian power in Libya, which had been loosely a colony since 1912. It was his dream to make the Mediterranean mare nostrum ("our sea" in Latin), and he established a large naval base on the Greek island of Leros to enforce a strategic hold on the eastern Mediterranean.


[edit] Other variations and subforms
See also: European fascist ideologies and Fascism as an international phenomenon
Movements identified by scholars as fascist hold a variety of views, what constitutes as fascism is often a hotly contested subject. The original movement which self-identified as Fascist was that of Benito Mussolini and his National Fascist Party. Intellectuals such as Giovanni Gentile produced The Doctrine of Fascism and founded the ideology. The majority of strains which emerged after the original fascism, but are sometimes placed under the wider usage of the term, self-identified their parties with different names, major examples include; Falangism, Integralism and Nazism as well as various other designations.[44]


[edit] Nazism

Nazi rally, 1935Main article: Nazism

Flag of the National Socialist German Workers' Party and Nazi Germany.The term Nazism refers to the ideology of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party and its Weltanschauung, which permeated German society (and to some degree European and American society) during the party’s years as the German government (1933 to 1945). Free elections in 1932 under Germany’s Weimar Republic made the NSDAP the largest parliamentary faction; no similar party in any country at that time had achieved comparable electoral success. Adolf Hitler’s 30 January 1933 appointment as Chancellor of Germany and his subsequent consolidation of dictatorial power marked the beginning of Nazi Germany. During its first year in power, the NSDAP announced the Tausendjähriges Reich (“Thousand Years’ Empire”) or Drittes Reich (“Third Reich”), a putative successor to the Holy Roman Empire and the German Empire).

Although the modern consensus sees Nazism as a type of generic fascism[45], some scholars, such as Gilbert Allardyce and A.F.K. Organski, argue that Nazism is not fascism — either because the differences are too great, or because they believe fascism cannot be generic.[46][47] A synthesis of these two opinions, states that German Nazism was a form of racially-oriented fascism, while Italian fascism was state-oriented.

Nazism differed from Italian fascism in that it had a stronger emphasis on race, in terms of social and economic policies. Though both ideologies denied the significance of the individual, Italian fascism saw the individual as subservient to the state, whereas Nazism saw the individual, as well as the state, as ultimately subservient to the race.[48] Mussolini's Fascism held that cultural factors existed to serve the state, and that it was not necessarily in the state's interest to interfere in cultural aspects of society. The only purpose of government in Mussolini's fascism was to uphold the state as supreme above all else, a concept which can be described as statolatry. Where fascism talked of state, Nazism spoke of the Volk and of the Volksgemeinschaft [49] Despite these differences, Kevin Passmore (2002 p.62) observes:

There are sufficient similarities between Fascism and Nazism to make it worthwhile applying the concept of fascism to both. In Italy and Germany a movement came to power that sought to create national unity through the repression of national enemies and the incorporation of all classes and both genders into a permanently mobilized nation.[50]


[edit] Falangism
Main article: Falangism
See also: Falangism in Latin America and Kataeb Party

José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Falangism founder.Falangism is a form of fascism founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1933, emerging during a complex political time during the Second Spanish Republic.[51] Primo de Rivera was the son of Miguel Primo de Rivera who was appointed Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Spain by Bourbon monarch Alfonso XIII of Spain; José's father would serve as military dictator from 1923—1930. In the Spanish general election, 1931 the winners were socialists and radical republican parties; this saw Alfonso XIII "suspending the exercise of royal power" and going into exile in Rome.[52] Spain had turned from a kingdom into a republic overnight.[52] A liberal Republican Constitution was instated, giving the right of autonomy to regions, stripping the nobility of juristic status and stripping from the Catholic Church its schools.[53]

It was in this environment that José Antonio Primo de Rivera looked at Mussolini's Italy and found inspiration. Primo de Rivera founded the Falange Española party; the name is a reference to the formidable Ancient Greek military formation phalanx.[54] Just a year after foundation Falange Española merged with the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista party of Ramiro Ledesma and Onésimo Redondo.[55] The party and Primo de Rivera revealed the Falange Manifesto in November 1934; it promoted nationalism, unity, glorification of the Spanish Empire and dedication to the national syndicalism economic policy, inspired by integralism in which there is class collaboration.[56] The manifesto supported agrarianism, looking to improve the standard of living for the peasants of the rural areas. It supported anti-capitalism, anti-Marxism, repudiating the latter's divisive class war philosophy, and was directly opposed to the ruling Republican regime.[56] The Falange participated in the Spanish general election, 1936 with low results compared to the left-wing Popular Front, but soon after increased in membership rapidly, with a membership of 40,000.[57]

“ "We reject the capitalist system, which disregards the needs of the people, dehumanizes private property, and transforms the workers into shapeless masses that are prone to misery and despair. Our spiritual and national awareness likewise repudiates Marxism. We shall channel the drive of the working classes, that are nowadays led astray by Marxism, by demanding their direct participation in the formidable task of the national State." ”
—José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Falange Manifesto. 1934.[56]


Flag of the FET y de las JONS party.Primo de Rivera was captured by Republicans on 6 July 1936 and held in captivity at Alicante. The Spanish Civil War broke out on 17 July 1936 between the Republicans and the Nationalists, with the Falangistas fighting for Nationalist cause.[56] Despite his incarceration Primo de Rivera was a strong symbol of the cause, referred to as El Ausente, meaning "the Absent One"; he was summarily executed on 20 November after a trial by socialists.[58]

After this, military leader Francisco Franco, who was not as ideological as his predecessor, became leader of the Falangists and continued the nationalist fight, with aid from Italy and Germany against the republicans who were supported by the Soviet Union.[59] A merger between the Falange and the Carlist traditionalists who support a different line of the monarchy to that of exiled Alfonso XIII took place in 1937, creating the FET y de las JONS, essentially a move away from fascism.[51] This is somewhat controversial in Falangist circles because some elements argue that it was a move away from "authentic Falangism".[60] Regardless nationalists won the Civil War, inserting the Spanish State in 1939 and under a single-party system Franco ruled.[51] Franco managed to balance several different interests of elements in his party, in an effort to keep them united, especially in regards to the question of monarchy.[61] The Francoist state was strongly nationalist, anti-communist and anti-separatist throughout. With his Movimiento Nacional; he supported traditional values such as Christianity, in contrast to the anti-clerical violence of the republicans.[61] Franco and Francoist Spain, although they adopted trappings of fascism, are often not considered to be fascist, for example Stanley Payne, has asserted: "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the generalissimo to be a core fascist". [62]


[edit] Iron Guard

Stamp bearing the symbol of the Iron Guard over a green cross that stood for one of its humanitarian ventures.Main article: Iron Guard
The Iron Guard was founded by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on 24 July 1927 as the Legion of the Archangel Michael (Legiunea Arhanghelul Mihail), and led by him until Codreanu's death in 1938, adherents to the movement continued to be widely referred to as "legionnaires" (sometimes "legionaries"; Romanian: legionarii) and the organization as the "Legion" or the "Legionary Movement" (Mişcarea Legionară), despite various changes of the (intermittently banned) organization's name. In March 1930 Codreanu formed the "Iron Guard" (Garda de Fier) as a paramilitary political branch of the Legion; this name eventually came to refer to the Legion itself. Later, in June 1935, the Legion changed its official name to the Totul pentru Ţară party, literally "Everything for the Country", but commonly translated as "Everything for the Fatherland" or occasionally "Everything for the Motherland".[63]


[edit] Rexism
Main article: Rexism
Rexism was the ideology of the Rexist Party (Parti Rexiste), officially called Christus Rex, founded in 1930 by Léon Degrelle, a Walloon. The name was derived from the Roman Catholic social teachings concerning Christus Rex, and it was also the title of a conservative Catholic journal. This ideology called for the moral renewal of Belgian society in conformity with the teachings of the Church, by forming a corporatist society, and abolishing democracy. As the group became more radical, it was cut off from the Church by the Belgian bishops.


[edit] Ustaša
Main article: Ustaša
The Ustaša - Croatian Revolutionary Movement was a nationalist organization that sought to create an independent Croatian state. When the Ustaše came to power in the Nazi-puppet Independent State of Croatia during World War II, its military wing became the Ustaše Army (Ustaška Vojnica). It was founded in 1929 after the assassination of the leading Croatian politician (President of the Croatian Peasants' Party) Stjepan Radić in the Yougoslav Assembly (Skupština) by radical Serbian politician Puniša Račić. It was later taken over by Ante Pavelić. The Ustaše enacted race laws patterned after those of the Third Reich, which were aimed against Jews and Roma, but predominately Serbs, who were collectively declared enemies of the Croatian people. Serbs, Jews, Roma and Croatian anti-fascists, including Communist Croats and dissident Croat Byzantine Catholic priests[citation needed], were interned in concentration camps, the largest of which was the Jasenovac complex, where they were most often brutally murdered by Ustaše militia.


[edit] Commonly alleged fascist ideologies and para-fascism
A number of states and movements have had various characteristics that are similar to fascism, but have denied being affiliated to fascism. Para-fascism is a term sometimes used to describe authoritarian regimes which appear like fascism on the surface but some scholars claim differ substantially from true fascism when a more than superficial examination is done.[64] Roger Griffin uses the term whereas Stanley Payne uses the term Radical Right. The consensus among scholars rejects these many anti-liberal, anti-communist inter-war movements which lacked fascism's revolutionary goal to create a new national character as fascist.[65] Para-fascists typically eschewed radical change and viewed genuine fascists as a threat.[66] Parafascist states were often unwillingly the home of genuine fascist movements which they eventually suppressed or co-opted.[67]

Besides Parafascism there are also other (not nescessary inter-war) regimes and movements that have had simliaries to fascism.


[edit] Austrian Fatherland Front
Main article: Austrofascism
"Austrofascism" is a controversial category encompassing various para-fascist and semi-fascist movements in Austria in the 1930s.[68] Especially referring to the Fatherland Front which became Austria's sole legal political party in 1934. The Fatherland Front's ideology was partly based on a fusion of Italian fascism, as expounded by Gentile, and Austria's Political Catholicism.[citation needed] It had an ideology of the "community of the people" (Volksgemeinschaft) that was different from that of the Nazis. They were similar in that both served to attack the idea of a class struggle by accusing leftism of destroying individuality, and thus help usher in a totalitarian state. Engelbert Dollfuß claimed he wanted to "over-Hitler" (überhitlern) Nazism.

Unlike the ethnic nationalism promoted by Italian Fascists and Nazis, the Fatherland Front focused entirely on cultural nationalism such as Austrian identity and distinctness from Germany, such as extolling Austria's ties to the Roman Catholic Church. According to this philosophy, Austrians were "better Germans" (by this time, the majority of the German population was Protestant). The monarchy was elevated to the ideal of a powerful and far-reaching state, a status which Austria lost after the Treaty of Saint-Germain. The notion of the Fatherland Front being fascist was claimed due to the regime's support and similar ideology of Fascist Italy.


[edit] Estado Novo
Main articles: Estado Novo (Portugal) and Estado Novo (Brazil)
The Estado Novo was an authoritarian regime with an integralist orientation, which differed from fascist regimes by its lack of expansionism, lack of a charismatic leader, lack of party structure and more moderate use of state violence. [69] However it incorporated the same principles for its military from Mussolini's system. Its founder in Portugal, António de Oliveira Salazar, was a Catholic traditionalist who believed in the necessity of control over the forces of economic modernisation in order to defend the religious and rural values of the country, which he perceived as being threatened. One of the pillars of the regime was the PIDE, the secret police. Many political dissidents were imprisoned at the Tarrafal prison in the African archipelago of Cape Verde, on the capital island of Santiago, or in local jails. Strict state censorship was in place.

Another authoritarian government, installed in Brazil by President Getúlio Dornelles Vargas, lasted from 1937 to 1945. It was modelled on the Portuguese Estado Novo regime and even took its name.


[edit] 4th of August Regime
Main article: 4th of August Regime
From 1936 to 1941, Greece was ruled by an authoritarian regime under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas akin to that of Franco's Spain. Historians of this period in Greek history, such as Richard Clogg, John Hondros, William McNeill, C. M. Woodhouse and others, all strongly contend that the state was not "fascist" but authoritarian with fascist "leanings".[citation needed] The Metaxas regime differed from regimes such as Mussolini's and Hitler's in many notable ways: it was relatively nonviolent, did not pursue an expansionist agenda, it did not institute anti-semitic programs, and it lacked a mass political movement.


[edit] Ku Klux Klan
Main article: Ku Klux Klan
The Ku Klux Klan developed nearly half a century before the rise of Italian Fascism in Italy. It was formed mainly as a response to the defeat of the South in the American Civil War and the freeing of African slaves. It has noted similarities to Nazism. It promotes ethnic nationalism, nativism, populism, racism, antisemitism, and anti-Communism. However, the Klan was mostly reactionary rather than revolutionary. In addition it also was a Protestant movement, while the Nazis attempted to enforce their racist viewpoints largely through science rather than religion. Also the Klan could not be considered paticulary anti-democratic. It worked within the American democratic system to enforce white supremacy and had no goals of establishing a dictatorship.

By the late 30's, the Klan had a prolonged flirtation with fascist organizations in the United States with many American fascist leaders appearing in Klan ralles.[70] The Klan had a complex relationship with the German American Bund. Some Klan groups supported it and felt that they shared the same principles while other groups were generally hostile to it.[71] After the war, neo-Nazi groups and Klan groups became more strongly allied. Some Klan groups have become increasingly "Nazified" adopting the look and emblems of the Nazi skinheads.[72] It has been stated that Klan movements have become more and more like fascist ones and the two groups are almost indistinguishable.[73]


[edit] Nouvelle Droite
Main article: Nouvelle Droite
Nouvelle Droite is a school of political thought founded largely on the works of Alain de Benoist and GRECE (Research and Study Group on European Culture). It has been identified as a new or sanitized form of neo-fascism, or an ideology of the extreme right that significantly draws from fascism (Laqueur, 1996; Lee, 1997). Nouvelle Droite arguments can be found in the rhetoric of many major radical right and far-right parties in Europe such as the National Front in France, the Freedom Party in Austria and Vlaams Belang in Flanders (Belgium). This, despite the fact that Alain de Benoist and certain other ideologues of the Nouvelle Droite, since the late 80s, had issued statements against some populist far-right movements.[citation needed]


[edit] Core tenets

[edit] Nationalism and populism
Please help improve this article or section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion. (August 2008)

Nationalism is an important element of fascism. Fascists believe the state to have its own distinctive characteristics, culture, and interests, and which is superior to others. Mussolini once said "Everything in the state. Nothing outside the state. Nothing against the state."

Fascism also has elements of populism and appealed to an Agrarian myth.[74] Fascism also tends to be anti-intellectual.[75] The Nazis in particular despised intellectuals and university professors. Hitler declared them unreliable, useless and even dangerous.[76] Still, Hitler has been quoted as saying "When I take a look at the intellectual classes we have - unfortunately, I suppose, they are necessary; otherwise one could one day, I don't know, exterminate them or something - but unfortunately they're necessary."[77]


[edit] Position on democracy
A key element of fascism is its endorsement of the leadership over a country of a dictator, who is often known simply as the "Leader" (Duce in Italian, Führer in German, Caudillo in Spanish, and Conducător in Romanian). Fascist leaders that rule countries are not always heads of state, but heads of government, such as Benito Mussolini who held power under the largely figurehead King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel III.

In the case of Italy, Fascism arose in the 1920s as a mixture of syndicalist notions with an anti-materialist theory of the state; the latter had already been linked to an extreme nationalism.[citation needed] Fascists accused parliamentary democracy of producing division and decline, and wished to renew the nation from decadence. They viewed the state as an organic entity in a positive light rather than as an institution designed to protect individual rights, or as one that should be held in check. Fascism universally dismissed the Marxist concept of "class struggle", replacing it instead with the concept of "class collaboration".[citation needed] Fascists embraced nationalism and mysticism, advancing ideals of strength and power.[citation needed]

Fascism is typified by totalitarian attempts to impose state control over all aspects of life: political, social, cultural, and economic, by way of a strong, single-party government for enacting laws and a strong, sometimes brutal militia or police force for enforcing them.[78] Fascism exalts the nation, state, or group of people as superior to the individuals composing it, and uses explicit populist rhetoric. It calls for a heroic mass effort to restore past greatness, and demands loyalty to a single leader, leading to a cult of personality and unquestioned obedience to orders (see Führerprinzip). Fascism is also considered to be a form of collectivism.[79][80][81]


[edit] Militarism
Fascists typically advocate a strong military that is capable of both defensive and offensive actions. In Germany and Italy under Hitler and Mussolini, enormous amounts of funding was dedicated to the military. In some fascist regimes, the fascist movement itself has a paramilitary wing which is included in the armed forces of the country, such as the SS in Germany and the MVSN in Italy, which are devoted directly and specifically to the fascist movement.


[edit] Economic policies
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Further information: Economics of fascism
Fascists opposed what they believed to be laissez-faire or quasi-laissez-faire economic policies dominant in the era prior to the Great Depression.[82] People of many different political stripes blamed laissez-faire capitalism for the Great Depression, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "third way" between capitalism and Marxian socialism.[83] Their policies manifested as a radical extension of government control over the economy without wholesale expropriation of the means of production. Fascist governments nationalized some key industries, managed their currencies and made some massive state investments. They also introduced price controls, wage controls and other types of economic planning measures.[84] Fascist governments instituted state-regulated allocation of resources, especially in the financial and raw materials sectors.

Other than nationalization of certain industries, private property was allowed, but property rights and private initiative were contingent upon service to the state.[85] For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labor than he would find profitable."[86][86] According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, dirigisme was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.[87] The Labour Charter of 1927, promulgated by the Grand Council of Fascism, stated in article 7:

"The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation," then goes on to say in article 9 that: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."
Fascism also operated from a Social Darwinist view of human relations. Their aim was to promote "superior" individuals and weed out the weak.[88] In terms of economic practice, this meant promoting the interests of successful businessmen while destroying trade unions and other organizations of the working class.[89] Historian Gaetano Salvemini argued in 1936 that fascism makes taxpayers responsible to private enterprise, because "the State pays for the blunders of private enterprise... Profit is private and individual. Loss is public and social."[90]

Economic policy in the first few years of Italian fascism was largely liberal, with the Ministry of Finance controlled by the old liberal Alberto De Stefani. The government undertook a low-key laissez-faire program - the tax system was restructured (February 1925 law, 23 June 1927 decree-law, etc.), there were attempts to attract foreign investment and establish trade agreements, efforts were made to balance the budget and cut subsidies. The 10% tax on capital invested in banking and industrial sectors was repealed,[91] while the tax on directors and administrators of anonymous companies (SA) was cut down by half.[91] All foreign capital was exonerated of taxes, while the luxury tax was also repealed.[91] Mussolini also opposed municipalization of enterprises.[91]

The 19 April 1923 law abandoned life insurance to private companies, repealing the 1912 law which had created a State Institute for insurances and which had envisioned to give a state monopoly ten years later.[92] Furthermore, a 19 November 1922 decree suppressed the Commission on War Profits, while the 20 August 1923 law suppressed the inheritance tax inside the family circle.[91]

There was a general emphasis on what has been called productivism - national economic growth as a means of social regeneration and wider assertion of national importance. Up until 1925, the country enjoyed modest growth but structural weaknesses increased inflation and the currency slowly fell (1922 L90 to £1, 1925 L145 to £1). In 1925 there was a great increase in speculation and short runs against the lira. The levels of capital movement became so great the government attempted to intervene. De Stefani was sacked, his program side-tracked, and the Fascist government became more involved in the economy in step with the increased security of their power.

In 1925, the Italian state abandoned its monopoly on telephones' infrastructure, while the state production of matches was handed over to a private "Consortium of matches' productors."[92] In some sectors, the state did intervene. Thus, following the deflation crisis which started in 1926, banks such as the Banca di Roma, the Banca di Napoli or the Banca di Sicilia were assisted by the state.[93]

Fascists were most vocal in their opposition to finance capitalism, interest charging, and profiteering.[94] Some fascists, particularly Nazis, considered finance capitalism a "parasitic" "Jewish conspiracy".[95] Nevertheless, fascists also opposed Marxism and independent trade unions.

According to sociologist Stanislav Andreski, fascist economics "foreshadowed most of the fundamental features of the economic system of Western European countries today: the radical extension of government control over the economy without a wholesale expropriation of the capitalists but with a good dose of nationalisation, price control, incomes policy, managed currency, massive state investment, attempts at overall planning (less effectual than the Fascist because of the weakness of authority)."[84] Politics professor Stephen Haseler credits fascism with providing a model of economic planning for social democracy.[96]

In Nazi economic planning, in place of ordinary profit incentive to guide the economy, investment was guided through regulation to accord to the needs of the State. The profit incentive for business owners was retained, though greatly modified through various profit-fixing schemes: "Fixing of profits, not their suppression, was the official policy of the Nazi party." However the function of profit in automatically guiding allocation of investment and unconsciously directing the course of the economy was replaced with economic planning by Nazi government agencies.[97]


[edit] Social policies
On the question of whether one can speak of “fascist social policy” as single concept with logical and internally consistent ideas and common identifiable goals, some scholars say that one cannot, pointing for example to German National Socialism where such policy was mostly opportunistic and pragmatic. [98] Generally all fascist movements endorse social interventionism. What differentiated fascists from the right wing, namely the radical right and the conservative authoritarian right (such as Francoist Spain), was a matter of social policy, the right meant freezing the status quo but for fascists meant transformation of status and class relationships through revolutionary means (authoritarian conservatives being more conservative and radical right being more rightist than fascists). [99] Thus, from a social policy standpoint, fascism is not a socially conservative perspective.[100] Mussolini promised a “social revolution” for “remaking” the Italian people which was only achieved in part. [101] The groups that primarily benefited from Italian Fascist social policy were the middle and lower-middle classes who filled the jobs in the vastly expanding government – the government expanding from about 500,000 to a million jobs in 1930 alone. [102] Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, welfare rising from 7% of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940. [103]

The Fascist government in Italy banned abortion and literature on birth control in 1926 and declared abortion and distribution of birth control literature as crimes against the state.[104] A year later, the Fascist government began the "Battle for Births" in 1927, a social engineering policy aimed at increasing the population of Italians. Along with the ban on abortion and birth control, during the Battle for Births the Fascist government gave financial incentrives to women who raised large families as well as policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.[105]

Fascism also tends to promote principles of masculine heroism, militarism, and discipline; and rejects cultural pluralism and multiculturalism.[106] The Italian Fascist government declared homosexuality illegal in Italy in 1931.[107] The Fascist government advocated a number of policies on improving living standards for labourers such as by establishing the nationwide Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro in 1925, which was a state-sponsored organization that created numerous municipal clubs across Italy that allowed lower-income citizens to attend recreational activities, watch movies, and listen to musical performances, etc. On the issue of social equality, Mussolini on a number of occasions rejected racism, and rejected the notion of the Nazis of biologically superior races. Mussolini claimed however that there were culturally and morally superior nations. However pressure placed on Mussolini by the Nazis and racist Fascist members such as Roberto Farinacci eventually resulted in the Fascists officially adopting racist rhetoric in the late 1930s and racist policies in 1938.

Nazi eugenics placed the improvement of the race through eugenics at the center of their concerns and targeted those humans they identified as "life unworthy of life" (German Lebensunwertes Leben), including but not limited to mentally and physically disabled, homosexuals, feeble-minded, insane, and the weak. Adolf Hitler personally decriminalized abortion in case of fetuses having racial or hereditary defects, while the abortion of healthy "pure" German, "Aryan" unborn remained strictly forbidden.[108] In fact, for non-Aryans abortion was not only allowed but often compelled. [109] Like their forbears, the Neo-nazi position on abortion is not about preservation of life but propagation of the race; the Aryan Nation security chief stated: “I’m just against abortion for the pure white race. For blacks and other mongrelized races, abortion is a good idea.” [110] The Nazis based their eugenics program on the United States' programs of forced sterilization.[111] Their eugenics program stemmed also from the “progressive biomedical model” of Weimar Germany. [112] The opposition to homosexuality was based on the Nazis view that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, and perverted and undermined the masculinity which they promoted and because they did not produce children for the master race.[113] Nevertheless the Nazis considered homosexuality curable though therapy. They explained it though modern scientism and the study of sexology which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority. [114] Critics have claimed that the Nazis' claim of scientific reasons for their promotion of racism, and hostility to homosexuals is pseudoscience (fake science),[115][116] in that scientific findings were selectively picked that promoted their pre-existing views, while scientific findings opposing those views were rejected and not taken into account.

Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted pre- and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood, and divorce and at other times opposed such behaviour. [117] The growth of Nazi power, however, was accompanied by a breakdown of traditional sexual morals with regard to extramarital sex and licentiousness. [118] Hitler was personally opposed to the idea of social welfare because, in his view, it encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and feeble.[119] However, once in power the Nazis created welfare programs to deal with the large numbers of unemployment. Nevertheless, unlike social welfare programs in other countries, Nazi social welfare programs were residual, as they excluded certain people from the system whom they felt were incapable of helping themselves and would only pose a threat to the future health of the German people.[120]


[edit] Positions on religion
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Many scholars believe the attitude of fascism toward religion has run the spectrum from persecution, to denunciation, to cooperation, [121] to embrace.[122] According to a biographer of Mussolini, "Initially, fascism was fiercely anti-Catholic" - the Church being a competitor for dominion of the people's hearts. [123] Mussolini, originally a socialist internationalist and atheist, published anti-Catholic writings and planned for the confiscation of Church property, but eventually moved to accommodation. [121] Hitler was born a Roman Catholic but renounced his faith at the age of twelve and largely used religious references to attract religious support to the Nazi political agenda. Mussolini largely endorsed the Roman Catholic Church for political legitimacy, as during the Lateran Treaty talks, Fascist officials engaged in bitter arguments with Vatican officials and put pressure on them to accept the terms that the regime deemed acceptable.[124] The Nazi party had decidedly pagan elements. Although both Hitler and Mussolini were anticlerical, some believe they both understood that it would be rash to begin their Kulturkampfs prematurely, such a clash, possibly inevitable in the future, being put off while they dealt with other enemies. [125]

Relations were close in the likes of the Belgian Rexists (which was eventually denounced by the Church). In addition, many Fascists were anti-clerical in both private and public life. [126] In Mexico the fascist[127][128][129] Red Shirts not only renounced religion but were vehemently atheist[130], killing priests, and on one occasion gunned down Catholics as they left Mass.[131]

Others have argued that there has been a strong connection between some versions of fascism and religion, particularly the Catholic Church.[132] Religion did play a real part in the Ustasha in Croatia which had strong religious (Catholic) overtones and clerics in positions of power.[133] Spain's Falangists emphasized the struggle against the atheism of the left. The nationalist authoritarian movement in the Slovak Republic (the People's Party) was established by a catholic priest (Father Hlinka) and presided over by another (Father Tiso). The fascist movement in Romania known as the Iron Guard or the Legion of Archangel Michael invariably preceded its meetings with a church service and "their demonstrations were usually led by priests carrying icons and religious flags." [134] [135] In Latin America the most important Fascist movement was Plinio Salgado's Brazilian "Integralism." Built on a network of lay religious associations, its vision was of an "integral state," that `comes from Christ, is inspired in Christ, acts for Christ, and goes toward Christ.` [136][137][138] Salgado, however, criticised the "dangerous pagan tendencies of Hitlerism" [139] and maintained that his movement differed from European fascism in that it respected the "rights of the human person".[140]

One theory is that religion and fascism could never have a lasting connection because both are a "holistic Weltanschauung" claiming the whole of the person. [121] Along these lines, Yale political scientist, Juan Linz and others have noted that secularization had created a void which could be filled by a total ideology, making totalitarianism possible[141][142], and Roger Griffin has characterized fascism as a type of anti-religious political religion.[143] Such political religions vie with existing religions, and try, if possible, to replace or eradicate them. [144] Hitler and the Nazi regime attempted to found their own version of Christianity called Positive Christianity which made major changes in its interpretation of the Bible which said that Jesus Christ was the son of God, but was not a Jew and claimed that Christ despised Jews, and that the Jews were the ones solely responsible for Christ's death.

[Voys]

karpuzseven win

[Azmodai]

[PhysX]

GÖRÜYORUM VE AŞIK OLUYORUM

[Apis]

Ne çok mesaj atılmış yahu; Güncel başlıkları parsellemişsiniz...

(Evet yazacak birşey bulamadım ama çorbada benimde tuzum olsun)

[Masquerade]

Tırstım lan.

[Ekmek]

said:

O zamanlar 18 de var yoktum. Evimiz müstakil 2 katlı bir evdi. Bahçemizde bir kümes iindede 3 tavuk bir horoz vardı. hep merak etmişimdir. bir gün öce tavuk horoz tarafından sansür ertisi gün yumurtluyordu. bu kadar çabuk naasıl oluyor derdim kendi kendime. hatta horozun sansür tavuğu takip eder ertesi günde gider poposunu yoklardım yumurta varmı diye. Bu aradada tavuğun poposuna dokunurken kendimi tarıfsız bir zevk deryasında düşünürdüm. sanki tavukta beni anlar gibi oda zevk alır gibi boynunu aşağıya uzatır ve kasılırdı.